Abstract: The Indigenous Peoples of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States have faced a shared history of disenfranchisement under settler-colonial paradigms. One consequence of this marginalization has been the widespread deprivation of secure access to safe drinking water in Indigenous communities. To date, much of the literature on Indigenous drinking water access has taken a deficit-based approach, focusing on the factors that are ‘lacking’ in Indigenous communities. Deficit based approaches have been criticized for perpetuating cycles of negative experiences, fostering dependency within the target community, and leading to interventions that are unsustainable and limited in scope. In contrast, this scoping review used a strengths-based investigation of successful Indigenous drinking water policy in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States. Through this review of the gray literature published from 2000 to 2024, we identified methods for measuring the success of Indigenous drinking water policies; common features of Indigenous drinking water policies that are said to be successful; and external factors which have been found to contribute to the success of Indigenous drinking water policies. The subsequent thematic analysis revealed a need to leverage the assets within Indigenous communities, drawing upon the strengths inherent to Indigenous knowledge systems and cultural practices, by involving Indigenous Peoples as key stakeholders in the development of drinking water policy. There is an opportunity for policymakers to engage in an iterative process that considers the larger problems we have identified in this review, as well as the community-specific concerns of the Indigenous groups being served.






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Excerpt: Australia House was the first of London’s so-called Dominion Houses, those High Commission buildings that housed offices for the governments of Britain’s self-governing colonies, or ‘Dominions’, as they were known from 1907.1 These buildings opened in central London from 1918. To federationists of the New Imperial era, who held hopes of uniting a Greater Britain, these prominent semi-public government buildings materially expressed the empire (much like the Greenwich Meridian confirmed London’s central world position). More than the ‘nerves of empire’ (over 121,000 miles of submarine telegraph cable linking the Britannic world), these prominent buildings embodied the connectedness of a hoped-for ‘imperial commonwealth’ to London as ‘the “heart” of the imperial organism’.2 In the first quarter of the twentieth century, imperialists believed that the Dominions would be the key to maintaining British power. Thus, these ‘Empire Houses’ also became a key part of London’s transformation when it was ascendant as a self-consciously financial, imperial, and regal capital. Architectural landmarks occupying prime sites, designed by eminent architects , and characterised by a high order of finish, they invested London with an imperial character, even long after the term ‘British Dominions’ applied in the process of decolonisation. The Dominion houses reveal, as Alex Bremner has argued, how enmeshed were London-centric and Dominion conditions and experience.



Description: The history of Union Ireland is typically told through its best-known historical events and leaders – from the 1798 Rising, the Great Famine, and the Irish Revolution, to Parnell and De Valera — and as moments of sectarian division and high parliamentary politics. Instead, Ciaran O’Neill here makes the case for a broader, more inclusive, and decentred approach that emphasizes transnational phenomena, a settler-colonial diaspora, and minority groups on the island. Through the lenses of ‘power’ and ‘powerlessness’, he demonstrates that the received historiographical wisdoms suffer from several misconceptions: on the one hand they misconstrue the nature of power and the powerful, perpetuating historical myths about the ‘ungovernability’ of Ireland. After securing the Union, the British state proceeded to govern Ireland with less and less certainty of ever persuading its citizens of its legitimacy. Despite all reforms and investment, there was a widespread sense that Ireland would never recover and be a willing partner in the Union. And on the other hand they take at face value the nature of the so-called ‘powerless’, ignoring the myriad ways in which marginalized and diasporic groups negotiated and asserted their agency during the Union period, influencing and transforming the powerful centre in the process. The result is an untraditional and thought-provoking reappraisal of Union Ireland that raises important questions about colonialism and resistance – of what it means to govern and be governed, and the long-lasting legacies of the spaces in between.