Abstract: Municipalities in settler-colonial countries such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand are placing new emphasis on improving Indigenous-settler relations and addressing colonial injustices in the city, in discourse if not in practice. In Canada, municipalities increasingly identify comprehensive planning projects that define future change and (re)development in the city as a space through which to advance these ‘reconciliation’ objectives. However, such projects are also intertwined with gentrification outcomes, outcomes that include Indigenous displacement, dispossession, and erasure. While a growing body of scholarship underlines these settler-colonial dimensions, it is unclear if such connections are made in practice as municipal planners turn their attention to both advancing Indigenous-settler reconciliation and mitigating gentrification-induced displacement. This dissertation deepens emerging dialogue between gentrification scholarship and literature on settler-colonial urbanism and Indigenous recognition as it examines tensions between gentrification, reconciliation, and displacement mitigation within municipal comprehensive planning. To identify the continuity and/or disruption of colonial-capitalist relations therein, I interrogate 1) how reconciliation discourses are translated into area redevelopment plans, 2) how municipal planners represent reconciliatory planning practice, and 3) how planning responses to gentrification concerns address the colonial dimensions of displacement. The research looks at comprehensive planning projects in cities across Canada, with a particular focus on Vancouver and Montréal. I draw on critical discourse analyses of both project documents and interviews with municipal planning staff and other relevant actors. The findings reveal that municipal planners negotiate multiple colonial-capitalist ‘boundaries’ at the nexus of redevelopment and reconciliation: those of Indigenous recognition, existing planning structures, and status quo regeneration objectives. While these boundaries are often reproduced as planners look to advance reconciliation and mitigate displacement within their constraints, more transformative policies, approaches, and mentalities are also beginning to emerge. The research expands on the (im)possibilities of state-led reconciliation through a planning lens, nuances the dynamics of Indigenous recognition in planning within a new context, and provides insight into discursive and policy shifts regarding gentrification and displacement, including limitations therein. It also underlines the importance of building planners’ motivations and capacities to disrupt colonial-capitalist planning relations.



Abstract: This dissertation examines how tribal–state policing agreements operate as technologies of settler-colonial governance on the Green Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota. Although these agreements are publicly framed as pragmatic solutions to jurisdictional complexity and as exercises of tribal sovereignty, I argue that they simultaneously extend state authority, constrain Indigenous autonomy, and reproduce racialized spatial inequalities. Using a multi-method qualitative design—archival research, interviews, and ethnographic police ride-alongs—I trace the historical rise of tribal policing from mid-century termination and relocation policies, through the Red Power era, to the expansion of federal policing grants in the 1990s. Across this trajectory, two mechanisms emerge: conditional recognition, in which tribal policing is acknowledged only when structured through state-defined standards and oversight; and jurisdictional siphoning, through which authority that appears to flow toward the tribe is simultaneously pulled back into county and state regulatory systems. Ethnographic analysis shows how officers’ daily practices create working geographies that assign most tribal officers to predominantly Native, economically marginalized spaces while select tribal officers police whiter, wealthier areas—producing racialized boundaries of belonging, risk, and deservingness. The dissertation argues that these agreements do more than coordinate policing; they reorganize colonial power while Indigenous leaders engage in strategic, pragmatic forms of governance within these constraints.







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