Abstract: Drawing on six months of ethnographic fieldwork in Palestine, this thesis explores the role of cultural heritage in Palestine within the context of ongoing settler colonialism and the Oslo liberal peace model. Palestinian cultural heritage is a vibrant arena of resistance, situated between loss, displacement and neoliberal visions of a future “state-to-be”. Despite enduring decades of dispossession, violence, and external interventions, the practices surrounding Palestinian heritage flourished, showcasing heritage’s role in envisioning decolonial imaginaries against erasure and occupation. The research is guided by three main questions: (1) How does discourse shape cultural resistance about land in both local and global contexts? (2) In what ways do Palestinian heritage organisations reproduce the land as a site for an envisioned national future, utilising cultural heritage as a tool of resistance and spatial reimagination? (3) What are the “trade-offs” faced by these practices given the evolution of settler colonialism and the current impasse of the Oslo framework? The study begins by engaging with Smith’s concept of the “Authorized Heritage Discourse” (AHD) and the ideological role of human rights. It shows that Palestinian practitioners do not simply adopt global, supposedly neutral paradigms such as AHD and human rights frameworks; instead, they strategically repurpose these discourses to gain legitimacy, amplify Palestinian narratives, and carve out space for decolonial perspectives within international settings that often marginalise Palestinian voices. Building on theoretical frameworks from Anderson and Chatterjee, the research further explores how Palestinian heritage practitioners transcend Western models of nation-building by reimagining community and territory in innovative ways. Against settler colonial strategies of erasure and the commodification of heritage (museumification and “Disneyfication”), Palestinian NGOs enact “deruination”, transforming heritage sites into living, communal spaces. These practices are embodied and communal, grounded in everyday nationalism and the ethos of sumud, or steadfast perseverance in the face of dispossession. Finally, the thesis addresses the complex political terrain and the “trade-offs” inherent in resistance through heritage work, particularly in the aftermath of the Oslo Accords. The Oslo process institutionalised a Palestinian “state-to-be” without sovereignty, deepening Israeli control and dependence on international donors. The rise of the liberal peace paradigm has professionalized and fragmented Palestinian activism, privileging project-based work and individual gain over collective resistance. Mechanisms such as the “Anti-Terrorism Clause” are analysed as tools of governance that depoliticise and regulate Palestinian activism, including heritage organisations, through conditional aid and biopolitical controls. Despite these limitations, Palestinian heritage organisations are not passive. They actively negotiate, resist, adapt, and sometimes subvert donor and Oslo-imposed limitations through hybrid strategies – pragmatic negotiation, everyday acts of refusal, and creative reinvention. Therefore, I showcase how the struggle for liberation remains ongoing and aspirational, with resistance constantly being renegotiated within the shifting boundaries of power, conditionality, and settler colonialism.


Description: Interrogating the complexities of mass violence in contemporary society, this handbook reconceptualizes the accumulation, intensity, and temporality of mass violence – rather than depending on numbers alone – to develop a critique of mass violence adequate for our times. The Routledge International Handbook of Mass Violence critically engages with classic political, sociological, psychological, and strategic paradigms to ask how violence operates when it is temporally diffuse, socially obscured, and institutionally normalized. This volume is thematically organized to explore the theories, strategies, legacies, memories, perpetrators of mass violence, and investigates topics that were previously considered to lie beyond the scope of studies of mass violence such as the carceral system and environmental damage. Contending with questions of justice and reconciliation, and issues surrounding burials and exhumations after mass violence, this book explores an extensive range of international case studies to determine the boundaries of the concept of mass violence and how instances of mass violence are categorized. This volume promotes an intellectual interchange that broadens our understanding of mass violence beyond the instrumental and orchestrated violence perpetrated by political and state actors, and will appeal to scholars and students of sociology, anthropology, law, and politics with interests in mass violence.






Abstract: This paper critically examines production of knowledge about intracommunal violence and crime within Palestinian society in Israel, highlighting the relationship between power structures and epistemological frameworks. It centers the ontological relationship of power to settler colonial structures, interrogating how knowledge is shaped within domination and resistance. The paper identifies two paradigms: the first, a cultural/pathological paradigm that frames violence as a manifestation of cultural or social dysfunction; the second, an ethnic‐minority/liberal paradigm, which attributes violence to inequality and social stratification, positioning Palestinians as a marginalized minority within a liberal state. It then introduces a third burgeoning paradigm, the settler colonial and apartheid paradigm, conceptualizing violence as a consequence of structural dispossession, systemic neglect, and “organized colonial abandonment.” Drawing on a systematic review of academic, NGO, and journalistic reports in Hebrew, Arabic, and English, the paper demonstrates how certain paradigms reinforce dominant narratives that stigmatize Palestinian society in Israel while obscuring the Israeli settler state’s role in sustaining violence and Jewish supremacy. It further highlights the key role of Palestinian NGOs, activists, and journalists in challenging two hegemonic frameworks and producing counter‐knowledge. By advocating anti‐colonial epistemology within social sciences, the paper calls for centering counter‐ hegemonic knowledge production, affirming indigenous struggles for epistemological and material decolonization.



Abstract: This paper examines American public land policy from the colonial period through the antebellum era, emphasizing the gap between formal policy and settlement on the ground. Early national policymakers faced competing objectives: generating revenue from western lands, promoting orderly territorial expansion and facilitating landownership among independent farmers. Federalists, and later Whigs, generally favored revenue-oriented policies and sales to large purchasers, while Jeffersonian Republicans and Jacksonian Democrats increasingly favored policies benefiting small settlers. Yet neither approach adequately accounted for the limited administrative and coercive capacity of the early American state. Settlers routinely occupied desirable land before surveys and legal sales, establishing claims through possession and improvement. Because the federal government lacked the resources to prevent or reverse this process, Congress repeatedly accommodated squatters through preemption measures that transformed unauthorized settlement into recognized property rights. These practices drew on colonial precedents and were reinforced by a republican and Jacksonian ideology associating independent landownership with citizenship, equality and opposition to monopoly. By the 1841 Preemption Act, episodic concessions to squatters had effectively become permanent policy. Early American land policy thus demonstrates how limited state capacity and settlers’ actions shaped the public domain more powerfully than formal policies enacted in Washington.





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