Abstract: In 2014, four Yolngu men from the Arnhem Land township of Ramingining in Australia’s north emailed a video clip to David Batty, who has been making films with Indigenous people for over 30 years.1 Chico, Jerome, Dino and their adopted white brother, Joe, sent Batty footage of their crocodile hunting exploits and invited him to create a television series with them. The result was the 24-part series Black As. Shot during the 2015 Dry season in the Djambarrpuyngu language (of the Yolngu Matha language chain) with English subtitles, this low-budget series, of which the four stars are co-owners, tells a comic story of a hunting trip.2 The series went directly to web streaming via the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, and quickly became one of the broadcaster’s highest-rated Iview programs, with more than 1.2 million views nationally for full episodes and 23 million hits worldwide on one promotional clip alone. Batty’s media company, Rebel Films, has so far attracted some 150 million viewers around the world, including for the Spanish-language version on Facebook and YouTube. As I write, Batty and his crew are in post-production on the second Black As series, financed by ABC Iview sales and a crowdfunding campaign. In this chapter, I analyze this lighthearted representation of young Indigenous men’s movement across their Country as an enactment of mobility justice. Following Tim Cresswell’s (2010) formulation of mobility as a political entanglement of movement, representation and embodied practice, I read Black As as a specifically Indigenous expression of mobility, which is necessarily politicized in the face of the ongoing settler-colonialism oppressions that have imposed deep inequalities and uneven mobilities on Indigenous subjects. Exemplifying what Audra Simpson (2014) calls a politics of refusal, the men move their unreliable vehicles across the unsmoothed terrain of their Country. They deploy their embodiment as encultured Indigenous men of that place to move on their own terms, outside settler movement regimes, to find bush foods and tell their story to camera. They thereby reanimate (as filmic representations) for a new generation and circumstances cultural practices that are tens of thousands of years old. As Simpson demonstrates, Indigenous refusal is more than resistance to injustice; it is also a political, generative, embodied assertion of ongoing sovereignty. In this chapter I tease out the story presented in Black As as a refusal of the historical and contemporary forces that have sought to constrain Indigenous mobilities and deny Indigenous sovereignty. Dino Wanybarrnga, Chico Wanybarrnga, Jerome Lilypiyana and Joe Smith’s performances of mobilities and (essential to the humor of the series) immobilities offer a proud story of self-determined movement, which they have mobilized across their immediate community and the globe with the help of non-Indigenous filmmaker allies.

Abstract: Almost 1.7 million people in the settler colonial nation of Canada identify as Indigenous. Approximately 52 per cent of Indigenous peoples in Canada live in urban areas. In spite of high rates of urbanization, urban Indigenous peoples are overlooked in health care policy and services. Because of this, although health care services are more plentiful in cities as compared to rural areas, Indigenous people still report significant barriers to health care access in urban settings. This qualitative study, undertaken in Prince George, Canada, examines perceived barriers to health care access for urban Indigenous people in light of how colonialism impacts Indigenous peoples in their everyday lives. The three most frequently reported barriers to health care access on the part of the 65 participating health care providers and Indigenous clients of health care services are: substandard quality of care; long wait times; and experiences of racism and discrimination. These barriers, some of which are common complaints among the general population in Canada, are interpreted by Indigenous clients in unique ways rooted in experiences of discrimination and exclusion that stem from the settler colonial context of the nation. Through the lenses of cultural safety and ethical space – frameworks developed by international Indigenous scholars in efforts to better understand and operationalize relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous individuals and societies in the context of settler colonialism – this study offers an understanding of these barriers in light of the specific ways that colonialism intrudes into Indigenous clients’ access to care on an everyday basis.

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