Abstract: This essay examines the Nakba through the analytical framework of settler colonialism, arguing that the mass displacement and fragmentation of Palestinian society in 1948 constituted not merely a humanitarian consequence of war, but also a structural process of demographic transformation and territorial consolidation. The Nakba may be discussed within broader theories of settler colonialism by analyzing expulsions, village destruction, refugee production, and the systematic erasure of Palestinian presence through spatial, legal, and symbolic mechanisms. Further, the essay explores how the political structures established through the Nakba became institutionalized rather than reversed, producing an enduring condition of statelessness, exile, and unequal authority that continues to shape Palestinian life today. It also examines the persistence of Palestinian claims to return, restitution, and historical recognition, arguing that the passage of time does not erase the legal, moral, or historical dimensions of dispossession. In comparing Zionist narratives of national restoration with Palestinian anticolonial critiques, the study highlights the tension between competing claims of self-determination and historical justice. Finally, the essay argues that denial of the Nakba functions not only as a rejection of historical facts, but also as an attempt to delegitimize Palestinian historical experience and political claims. Recognition of the Nakba remains essential to any meaningful framework for justice, equality, and reconciliation in Palestine.





Abstract: The article argues that Israel’s genocide is grounded in political theologies originating in early-modern Europe alongside colonial exploration and expansion. It characterizes Israel’s genocide as iconoclastic, due to settler-colonial land fetishism that originated in the millenarian–messianic alliances between Christians and Jews in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The article traces the evolution of Judeo-Christian knowledge production from burgeoning European long-distance maritime networks, building on Delno West’s (1992) concept of geoeschatology. It demonstrates how epistemic erasure of Indigeneity stems from imagined biblical landscapes in the works of Jewish scholars throughout the centuries of colonial expansion. Arguing that the Judeo-Christian construct is a structural feature of settler-colonial societies, the article analyzes the theological license for the epistemic and physical erasure of Indigenous populations by Zionist settler colonialism. It follows the development of Judeo-Christian alliances around the coproduction of geoeschatological knowledge between the 1500s and the 1900s, centering on the works of Jewish scholars such as Abraham Farissol, Menasseh Ben Israel, Naphtali Hirtz Weisel, and Naḥum Sokolow. This intellectual history is entangled with Hebraist networks of Catholics and Protestants alike, demonstrating shared knowledge systems and continued support of the Zionist settler-colonial project and its ongoing genocide.


Abstract: Despite imperial states tightening their borders and their rapid securitization and militarization to stop the ’flood’ of migrants and asylum seekers, the reality is that borders have never been fixed. Yet borders appear as naturally given to ’home’ populations. But if we move away from a mere focus on the movement of people over borders for safety and security and reframe the issue by bringing into focus the movement of borders over people, a different vision of borders emerges, where borders create, regulate and sustain violence, dependency and inequality. The history of settler colonialism is effectively the history of the movement of imperial borders over indigenous populations. Moreover, settler colonialism has long been entangled with capitalist expansion and slavery. This article examines the issue of borders moving over people in the light of this entanglement and the ongoing genocide in Palestine. It explores key aspects of the historic link between slavery, settler colonialism and imperialism. We argue that such a comparison is not novel; recent scholarship has focused on links between settler colonialism and slavery (Coates [2024]. The message. New York: One World; Mishra [2025]. The world after Gaza: A history. London: Penguin.), while others explore the similarities between current immigration enforcement with Fugitive Slave Acts in the U.S.A. (McKanders [2012]. Immigration enforcement and the fugitive slave acts: Exploring their similarities. Catholic University Law Review, 61 (4), 921 954.), and others raise the question of ’social death’ in relation to slavery (Patterson [1982]. Slavery and social death: a comparative study. Harvard University Press). This article assesses the centrality of borders in dividing the world and the oppressed in the interest of imperial powers and capital. It focuses on a neglected element in debating borders and examines some of the shared elements and interlocked histories of borders, racism, social death and genocide.


Excerpt: The genocide in Gaza, in that sense, stands in for our global past and future. As Baconi (2024) writes, Gaza is ‘the abject of our time’, a place that signifies for Israel and the West the threat of terrorism, barbarism, backwardness and racialised overpopulation. Gaza offers a ‘blueprint’ for how settler colonies (and nation-states writ large) can become liberal democracies despite being founded upon the dispossession, disenfranchisement, occupation and extermination of others (Baconi, 2024). Given the long history of Israeli settler colonisation and violence (Khalidi, 2020), this transnational perspective on Palestine has existed long before the current genocide (see Frey and Rogaly in this collection). As Alex Lubin (2014) attests, the violence of the 20th century positioned Palestinians, Black Americans and Jews in the diaspora as the ultimate Other vis-a-vis modernity and its central institution, the nation-state. A shared understanding of imperialism, colonialism and white supremacy as global phenomena is key to these ‘geographies of liberation’, and continues to shape 21st-century shared struggle.

Sociologists for Palestine:

Universities in the U.S. have been tools of colonization, settler colonialism, and racial capitalism by participating directly and indirectly in land dispossession, weapons technologies, colonial governance, and racialized exploitation. Today, universities continue to participate in warmaking through investments in weapons technologies, internships and training programs, and research and design collaboration with state governments and corporations. This article lays a foundation for understanding the role of universities in the Israeli genocide in Gaza and provides sociologists with frameworks for action. We draw on our experiences as members of the organizing committee for Sociologists for Palestine (S4P) and from our expertise in racial capitalism, settler colonialism, militarism, and higher education. We use specific examples of ways that universities in the U.S. are implicated in the current genocide and structures of racial capitalism and settler colonialism, and the tools that academics can use to resist these practices and reclaim our universities. Drawing on our experience organizing with S4P and on our campuses, we will discuss possibilities for building broad based movements to demand that academic institutions live up to the ethical principles that they claim to embrace. We focus on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanction (BDS) campaign as it relates to the American Sociological Association, but situate this work within a broader vision of transformation geared toward the decommodification, decolonization, and indigenization of higher education.






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