Abstract: The Canadian context is one in which settler colonialism used legal lies like the Doctrine of Discovery and Terra Nullius to lay claim to land already occupied, used, and cared for by Indigenous Peoples1 since time immemorial. After arrival, settlers “began to act less and less like guests and more and more as lords” (Manuel, 2015, p. 4). Not much has changed. Today, settler descendants still hold political power, including the ability to determine who can arrive and settle, set immigration target numbers, prioritize destinations, determine policy, programs, and practices, allocate resources, and even decide which cultural specificities are acceptable and how identities are defined. For Indigenous community members, immigration can be a reminder of supports not equally available to their communities, decisions made without adequate consultation, and additional burden on already dispossessed lands. This article begins with an exploration of Canada’s immigration system, including a critical view of Indigenous-newcomer-settler relations and Canada’s portrayal as a welcoming, inclusive nation. As First Nations, newcomer, and settler authors, we argue that inclusivity is not possible when standing on stolen land. Critical views, however, must be joined to creative possibilities, lest we all drown in despair. Within a 3-way Venn diagram describing Indigenous-settler-newcomer relations, overlapping areas can signal tension but may point to solidarity, hope, and healing. These possibilities can be uniquely explored in a rural environment, where relationships are constrained and bolstered by geography. Portage la Prairie is near four First Nations communities and a popular destination for immigration – a unique microcosm for exploring broader movements in Canada. Weaving our stories and experiences together within this case story, we share newcomers’ emotions encountering knowledge about why their dream country is not what they had anticipated, costs borne by Indigenous community members and leaders educating about true history, along with their motivations, and the negotiations undertaken by settlers finding their roles. Using interest convergence, we argue that for such initiatives to be sustainable, they must be beneficial to all three groups. We conclude by examining the role of education in building community, sharing knowledge, and redefining who tells the stories of Canada.




Abstract: This critical theory paper reflects on my personal experience conducting my dissertation research in the discipline of engineering education with my Native Hawaiian community. There are inherent tensions that I constantly negotiate in my research practices to find ways to operate within our settler colonial discipline as someone who wants to make visible, resist, and deconstruct settler colonialism. This paper is a chance to describe these tensions, frustrations, and realizations of growth that I go through occupying a space that disvalues portions of my work. I start by reframing settler colonialism as an oppression of the natural world compared to more common framings of settler colonialism as the oppression of Natives through erasing their connection with the natural world. This reframing allows me to demonstrate how engineering, engineering education, and engineering education research are examples of physical, social, and academic processes of Western settling, respectively, based in capitalist relationships to possess the natural world inclusive of marginalized peoples. Positioning engineering, engineering education, and engineering education research as inherently settler colonial and capitalistic explains furthers how by occupying these fields, I inherently am in tension with being Native Hawaiian that opposes both settling through capitalism and possessing the natural world through colonialism. Then, I explain what these tensions are and how I negotiation these tensions through explaining my methodological commitments and what these commitments look like in my research. I outline three commitments: 1) prioritizing mutual causal relationships through cultural understandings, 2) prioritizing the natural world through genealogy, and 3) prioritizing long-term continuity through Unlearning and Taking Space. I hope my explanation of these commitments as my negotiating of the tension of being both Native Hawaiian and an engineering education research provides an example of how we can begin to challenging settler colonialism and its capitalistic relationships through our work beyond Western standards of research.


Description: How Indigenous communities are transforming the idea and practice of reparations through their laws and leadership. In recent decades, a growing number of Indigenous groups across Canada have initiated movements for colonial reparations. Too often, the settler state has responded by attempting to enfold their work into a narrative of reconciliation that consigns colonialism to “sad chapters” of history. In this book, Pauline Wakeham calls attention to the ways that Indigenous reparations movements exceed state reconciliatory frameworks and prompt a deeper reckoning with the enduring structures of settler colonialism. To expose and redress colonial injustices, Indigenous reparations movements draw upon long local traditions of political organizing as well as transformations on the global stage since World War II. As international law formulated new instruments regarding gross human rights violations, atrocity crimes, and the reparative obligations of states, colonized peoples across the world have sought to mobilize these mechanisms in their struggles for decolonization and reparations. While international law has provided strategic tools for this work, the colonial foundations of the field continue to limit how it conceptualizes and shapes access to justice. Indigenous Reparations and Settler Colonial Reckoning traces the specific implications for Indigenous nations whose land is occupied by settler states—nations whose legal orders remain subordinated to both settler “domestic” and international legal systems. Amid this complex multijurisdictional terrain, how are Indigenous peoples carving out space to articulate their own visions of justice? To answer this question, Wakeham learns from the Inuit-led Qikiqtani Truth Commission as well as reparations movements for residential schools and the High Arctic Relocations of 1953 and 1955. These movements offer powerful lessons about the importance of centering Indigenous leadership and laws in redress processes, thereby connecting reparations to the living enactment of Indigenous rights.








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