Abstract: This dissertation traces the debates over the regulation of Indigenous labor in PortugueseAmerica. I follow these debates as they first unraveled in the northeastern sugar-planting regions of sixteenth-century Brazil, and then as they traveled to the State of Maranhão and Grão-Pará, a Portuguese colony in the eastern Amazon that was administered separately from the State of Brazil. I draw from extensive research in multiple imperial archives, with manuscript sources in Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch, to analyze the development of a school of thought among sectors of the settler population that argued for Indigenous slave-trading and/or increased settler access to Indigenous workers in mission villages. I show how settlers and their opponents manipulated a portfolio of arguments to demand different labor regimes and policies. In their arguments for increased access to Indigenous laborers, settlers claimed that they were poor, that they were dependent on Indigenous skilled labor, that relying on Indigenous workers was more practical than relying on enslaved Africans, and that Indigenous peoples were “práticos na terra,” or experienced in the land, and thus the best-equipped workers in the region. I thus draw attention to the ubiquity of “pragmatic” arguments to labor debates, focusing on how settlers wielded ideas of utility, feasibility, poverty, and the common good, to make their demands. Countering the historiographical assumption that Europeans had a long-standing preference for African enslaved labor, my dissertation argues that Maranhão was a colony where a great variety of ideologies about Indigenous and African peoples were tested, questioned, and reconceptualized across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In particular, Portuguese ideas about Indigenous peoples’ proclivity to work were much more nuanced than the historiography has posited. With time, these arguments became increasingly racialized, as settlers activated ideas about the Indigenous versus the African body and correlated skin color to one’s ability to work. Furthermore, settler arguments demanding greater access to Indigenous laborers often implicitly and explicitly contested the framework of “disease, flight, and capacity to work,” a framework long embraced by the historiography as an explanation for the rise of African slavery in the Americas. In their arguments, settlers in Maranhão wielded their on-the-ground experiences to contend that Indigenous labor was more practical than relying on the trans- Atlantic slave trade, that disease outbreaks justified more slave-trading, and that Indigenous peoples were more apt to the kinds of work required for Amazonian production. Thus, I argue that this framework was as much a constructed argument subject to debate as it was an explanation of a material reality.




Description: In Aboriginal™, Jennifer Adese explores the origins, meaning, and usage of the term “Aboriginal” and its displacement by the word “Indigenous.” In the Constitution Act, 1982, the term’s express purpose was to speak to specific “aboriginal rights”. Yet in the wake of the Constitution’s passage, Aboriginal, in its capitalized form, became increasingly used to describe and categorize people. More than simple legal and political vernacular, the term Aboriginal (capitalized or not) has had real-world consequences for the people it defined. Aboriginal™ argues the term was a tool used to advance Canada’s cultural and economic assimilatory agenda throughout the 1980s until the mid-2010s. Moreover, Adese illuminates how the word engenders a kind of “Aboriginalized multicultural” brand easily reduced to and exported as a nation brand, economic brand, and place brand—at odds with the diversity and complexity of Indigenous peoples and communities. In her multi-disciplinary research, Adese examines the discursive spaces and concrete sites where Aboriginality features prominently: the Constitution Act, 1982; the 2010 Vancouver Olympics; the “Aboriginal tourism industry”; and the Vancouver International Airport. Reflecting on the term’s abrupt exit from public discourse and the recent turn toward Indigenous, Indigeneity, and Indigenization, Aboriginal™ offers insight into Indigenous-Canada relations, reconciliation efforts, and current discussions of Indigenous identity, authenticity, and agency.





Abstract: Treaties have been characterized by students of settler colonialism as tools of the empire. Treaties were rarely written for the benefit of Indigenous people but served as legal means to dispossess them of land and natural resources and deprive them of their traditional hunting and fishing rights. Efforts to bring land claims and resolve resource extraction disputes were often unsuccessful, in part because the interpretations of the treaties were based only on written documents that did not contain Indigenous perspectives on what the treaties should achieve. Efforts in recent years have been made to achieve a more equitable, balanced interpretation of historic treaties by accepting as evidence elements of traditional Indigenous culture such as oral histories that could clarify and support the Anishinaabe understanding of the intent of the treaty at the time of the signing. This study seeks to develop an Indigenous narrative of the Odawa, Ojibwa and Potawatomi nations of Manitoulin Island at the time of the land cession treaties of 1836 and 1862. Ethnohistory, cultural geography, research paradigms, and Indigenous research methodology provided evidence that supported the thesis that the Odawa possessed the knowledge and skills to negotiate treaties that would protect their people, land and way of life derived from a long history of successful diplomacy and treaty negotiations in the northern Great Lakes region. This study also looks to develop a more complete portrayal of the agency and resilience of the Odawa in adapting to the changes and conflicts brought by European settlers until the mid-19th century. An analysis of the historical events that preceded the 1862 treaty provides the context in which the Anishinaabe were forced to cede all of Manitoulin Island, except the eastern peninsula.