Abstract: This dissertation arose from discussions around privilege and the settler-slave-exogenous triad popularized in settler colonial studies, specifically regarding this project’s object of study: Mexicanness or Mexican cultural identity. The triad maps out uneven relationships created through the structure of settler colonialism but can unproductively flatten political dynamics of communities and their relationships to settler states. To pivot from discussions of privilege, this project instead considers complicity with the settler colonial states by examining how practices of identification with or of Mexicanness are informed by their (settler) colonial contexts. Chapter 1 surveys ways in which settler states have structured ways of identifying Mexicanness from the inception of New Spain, the rise of Mexico as a settler state, and the effects of incorporating Mexican citizens into the U.S. after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. This pan-historiography provides a “palimpsest” of history that serves as a reference for the second and third chapters of this project. Chapter 2 examines over 50 genetic ancestry videos and their comments published on YouTube from 2014 to 2023 by self-described “Mexicans.”. Chapter 3 examines practices of identification in promotional material surrounding Mexico’s recently operational railway development project, Tren Maya, from its announcement in 2018 to its operation in 2023. While the latter two chapters differ in the structural view they provide on practices of identification, the first through the affective reactions from communities themselves and the second through the contextualized actions of the Mexican settler state, the case studies trace when the histories of the settler states are not confronted or averted. In sum, this project aims to highlight the importance of considering historical and transnational structures with practices of identification and Mexicanness, especially in response to colonial experiences.


Description: During the first quarter-century after its founding, the United States was swept by a wave of land speculation so unprecedented in intensity and scale that contemporaries and historians alike have dubbed it a “mania.” In Speculation Nation, Michael A. Blaakman uncovers the revolutionary origins of this real-estate bonanza—a story of ambition, corruption, capitalism, and statecraft that stretched across millions of acres from Maine to the Mississippi and Georgia to the Great Lakes. Patriot leaders staked the success of their revolution on the seizure and public sale of Native American territory. Initially, they hoped that fledgling state and national governments could pay the hefty costs of the War for Independence and extend a republican society of propertied citizens by selling expropriated land directly to white farmers. But those democratic plans quickly ran aground of a series of obstacles, including an economic depression and the ability of many Native nations to repel U.S. invasion. Wily merchants, lawyers, planters, and financiers rushed into the breach. Scrambling to profit off future expansion, they lobbied governments to convey massive tracts for pennies an acre, hounded revolutionary veterans to sell their land bounties for a pittance, and marketed the rustic ideal of a yeoman’s republic—the early American dream—while waiting for land values to rise. When the land business crashed in the late 1790s, scores of “land mad” speculators found themselves imprisoned for debt or declaring bankruptcy. But through their visionary schemes and corrupt machinations, U.S. speculators and statesmen had spawned a distinctive and enduring form of settler colonialism: a financialized frontier, which transformed vast swaths of contested land into abstract commodities. Speculation Nation reveals how the era of land mania made Native dispossession a founding premise of the American republic and ultimately rooted the United States’ “empire of liberty” in speculative capitalism.




Description: Cultivating Empire charts the connections between missionary work, capitalism, and Native politics to understand the making of the American empire in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries. It presents American empire-building as a negotiated phenomenon that was built upon the foundations of earlier Atlantic empires, and it shows how U.S. territorial and economic development went hand-in-hand. Lori. J. Daggar explores how Native authority and diplomatic protocols encouraged the fledgling U.S. federal government to partner with missionaries in the realm of Indian affairs, and she charts how that partnership borrowed and deviated from earlier imperial-missionary partnerships. Employing the terminology of speculative philanthropy to underscore the ways in which a desire to do good often coexisted with a desire to make profit, Cultivating Empire links eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century U.S. Indian policy—often framed as benevolent by its crafters—with the emergence of racial capitalism in the United States. In the process, Daggar argues that Native peoples wielded ideas of philanthropy and civilization for their own purposes and that Indian Country played a critical role in the construction of the U.S. imperial state and its economy. Rather than understand civilizing missions simply as tools for assimilation, then, Cultivating Empire reveals that missions were hinges for U.S. economic and political development that could both devastate Indigenous communities and offer Native peoples additional means to negotiate for power and endure.



Abstract: In the years between the end of Greater Reconstruction and the start of the Great Migration, Black Americans founded communities across the Rocky Mountain West. Many of these towns prospered and grew during an era in which racial ideologies underwent profound realignment. As numerous scholars of race document, both national and regional politics along with cultural forces shaped how race was made and remade in America between 1877 and the 1920s. Black settlers in new western cities and towns navigated the ongoing social construction of race and the effects of racism in their everyday lives while participating in the co-constructing forces of place-making where they lived and made their homes. This dissertation focuses on three Rocky Mountain towns, Pueblo, Colorado, Pocatello, Idaho, and Cheyenne, Wyoming, as instructive and heretofore unstudied sites where the Black West might be grounded by a place-based analysis. Doing so allows us to better understand not only how, but where, race was made in America. In order for histories of Black western communities to offer such insights, the chapters in the second part of this dissertation argue that place-based studies of Black communities must consider and contextualize, rather than foreclose, the variegated narratives and counternarratives of the West’s incredible ethnic, religious, and racial heterogeneity. Linking the local Black histories in Part I with broader local analysis of the racialized politics of belonging and place-making, Part II urges historians of race, African Americans, and the North American West to be attentive to both the locality and relationality of racial formations.




Abstract: Overincarceration of Indigenous peoples across North America is a critical and deep-rooted social issue. Racialized structural inequality are theorized to underpin racialized inequalities in carceral system outcomes including sentence length, monetary penalties, and supervision. Settler colonialism is theorized to underpin these inequalities per Native people. Taking structural settler colonialism for granted and applying the intertwined frameworks of carceral capitalism and necrocapitalism, my research answers three interrelated questions: How do economic precarity and Native visibility influence racialized differences in: 1) sentence length, 2) the likelihood of being assessed legal financial obligations in addition to incarceration, and 3) the likelihood of expecting post-release supervision? My research relies primarily on data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics Survey of Prisoners. My research utilizes linear regression to examine the outcome of sentence length and binary logistic regression to examine the outcomes of the likelihood of fines or fees and expecting supervision, applying the same models to two separate subsamples for the Native and white incarcerated people surveyed. My research findings indicate a limited influence per Native visibility and no influence per individual-level economic precarity on the outcomes for the Native subsample. Though individual-level measures of economic precarity did have some influence on the outcomes for the white subsample. Further, the group-level measures of white economic precarity influenced these outcomes across subsamples and Native economic precarity had a limited influence for both subsamples. My research contributes to the literatures examining both racialized carceral system inequality and Native structural inequalities by investigating patterns of inequality across states, demonstrating at least limited applicability of critical theories of carceral system inequalities to Native experiences, and, most significantly, illuminating directions that future research in the area of Native racialized carceral system inequalities must take to unpack this complex structural issue.