Abstract: Now humanity has an urgent question regarding the development of Mars. For this, it is necessary to send settlers there, and provide for the possibility of ensuring their residence in a hostile environment for a long time. Planning missions to Mars is the first step toward the beginning of an era of interplanetary migration that will change human history. To master this planet, it is necessary to think about a trip to Mars, taking into account the long-term prospects of a person staying there with the goal of colonizing this planet, and with the full functioning of a person in a hostile environment for him. Mars is a relatively calm planet with a fairly cold climate, a thin atmosphere of carbon dioxide, and a very weak magnetic field. Therefore, the entire surface of the planet is constantly bombarded by cosmic rays and high-energy charged particles of the solar wind. Another feature of Mars is frequent local and global dust storms. For this reason, living and working quarters for colonists are best built below the surface. This is necessary for reliable human protection against cosmic radiation. These colonies must be provided with energy. And using solar batteries for this is not the best option. After all, the flow of solar radiation on Mars is much smaller than on Earth. In addition, the panels will be constantly dusted with sand due to frequent dust storms. A nuclear reactor may be the best option. Also, people need constant access to water resources. From the point of view of the reliability of the future housing, these requirements are best met by a volcanic lava tube with strong walls. And based on the need to provide settlements with water, a more suitable case should be considered underground caves in glacial cracks with a gentle horizontal entrance. But the walls of such settlements will be less strong, and they will require significant preparatory work. The best case would be a lava tube with strong walls found next to powerful glacial structures.


Abstract: This thesis uses discourse analysis to explore humanitarian discourse in the interplay of arguments for and against official policies harmful to Indigenous peoples in four select episodes of colonial violence. It seeks to extend our understanding of the logics of colonial violence between circa. 1860 and 1907. The four episodes examined are: the “pamphlet war” debating Governor Thomas Gore Browne’s actions in connection with the Taranaki war during the period 1860-1862; debate on the confiscation of Māori land during the period 1863-1864; debate on the government’s actions in connection with the invasion of Parihaka during the period 1879-1881; and debate on New Zealand’s annexation and administration of the Cook Islands during the period 1898-1907. The humanitarian discourse used in colonial violence debate changed significantly during the period under review. During the Taranaki “pamphlet war” Browne’s critics and supporters debated his actions in rights-based discourses with strong roots in British humanitarianism. Browne’s critics judged his conduct against the British civilising mission. Humanitarian discourse underpinned by opposing notions of amalgamation was important in both justifying and opposing confiscation. Humanitarian discourse continued to evolve in new, harder ground in debates over Parihaka. Changes in racial thinking, settler demographics, and views of Te Tiriti pared humanitarian discourse back to first principles. By 1900, the British civilising mission had evolved into the more secular “white man’s burden”. Humanitarian discourse was used, rather unsuccessfully, to oppose colonial violence. But it was also consistently used as a tool that allowed Europeans to reconcile demands for land, effective sovereignty, and prestige with professed concern for the welfare and rights of the Indigenous peoples who were displaced, rendered landless, and disenfranchised by processes of colonialism. The legacy of the humanitarian discourse observed in this thesis reverberates in the present in the way non-Indigenous peoples think about history; and represent, advocate for, and engage with Indigenous peoples on issues that affect them. Engaging with the history of humanitarian discourse in colonial violence debate, and the wider history of the logics of colonial violence, is key to understanding the roots of these issues, and a crucial step on the path contemporary non-Indigenous people must take to decolonise discourse.



Description: What does liberation mean for Asians at the core of an anti-Black, settler-colonial empire? This landmark book is the first to offer an Asian American theology of liberation for the present and future global crises. The broad scope of contemporary ideas that the book engages with will be of interest to students, activists, clergy, and scholars alike. Readers interested in radical politics, political theology, and Asian American history will find this book an important addition to their bookshelves. Providing an intersectional frame that considers the breadth and diversity of Asian American experiences alongside those of Black, Indigenous, and Latinx thinkers in the United States and across the globe, An Asian American Theology of Liberation puts Asian American theology in dialogue with theories from psychoanalysis, Afro-pessimism, Black Marxism, postcolonial studies, and queer theology. In this groundbreaking work, Wong Tian An combines archival research uncovering a much overlooked theology of liberation — born in the 1970s out of Asian Americans’ struggles for political recognition and civil rights in the United States — with powerful analyses drawing from the theological, intellectual, and political developments of the last half century. This wide-ranging study connects urgent themes such as protest movements in Hong Kong, anti-Asian violence in the United States, and Indigenous struggles everywhere, while building on Asian theologies such as Dalit theology in India, theology of struggle in the Philippines, and Minjung theology in Korea. Drawing deeply and broadly across disciplines, the book altogether revives and renews an Asian American theology of liberation for a new generation.




Abstract: This thesis is about how Pākehā can be auxiliaries to the contemporary decolonial struggle. To address this present, I orient to the past. I propose that there exists a genealogy of Pākehā (anti)colonial action and that critically remembering, reflecting, and drawing upon such a genealogy can help guide ethical and meaningful Pākehā contribution to decolonisation. The titular ‘(anti)colonial’ analytic befits this critical interrogation and is used to refer to action that either is, or purports to be, against white settler colonisation yet simultaneously enacts, perpetuates, and/or advances white settler colonial harm. To outline the proposed genealogy, I use three case studies of Pākehā (anti)colonial action, one for each century since the formal British annexation of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840. These case studies are: the evangelical humanitarians’ Pamphlet War protest of the Waitara dispute and ensuing First Taranaki War, the Anti-Springbok Tour protests, and the recent campaigns for Aotearoa New Zealand history to be taught in schools. Each of these historical moments is narrated with emphasis on the context of white settler colonialism and how the Pākehā agents acted within it, and how (and if) they acted with and listened to Māori. The thesis discussion then combines all three case studies and reiterates their genealogical framing, explicating on this and its utility through a hauntological and utopian lens. I emphasise how white settler colonialism is not relegated to the past, and how, only through critical engagement in our own white settler colonial history and reckoning with our own positionalities, can we
draw strength from past (anti)colonial Pākehā action
.