Abstract: Climate change has become a central concern on the international political agenda, challenging the decision-making of different levels of administration and types of actors. Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLC) have been recognized as relevant actors in climate matters, given their knowledge about territory, biodiversity, and their harmonious practices towards nature. With the evolution of knowledge on climate change, an increasing number of countries have developed climate laws. Given the provisions of the Paris Agreement to consider IPLC and their knowledge for climate action, it is relevant to assess how the contents of these types of laws pursue such ambition. By describing and categorizing the contents of climate laws, this article develops evidence-based research about how IPLC are attended to in climate framework laws of different countries. It examines whether the related contents of these laws align with the recommendation of the Paris Agreement regarding the need to consider traditional, indigenous, and local knowledge in the design of adaptation measures. The results show that only one-third of the identified climate laws refer to IPLC. Within these laws, those communities and their knowledge are scarcely attended to. However, a few climate laws develop relevant elements about these communities. The most common element relates to the participation of IPLC in deliberative bodies or climate decisions. In contrast, the least common element relates to the involvement of relevant communities in climate research. Notably, the climate laws of Finland (Europe) and Peru (South America) emerge as more comprehensive in addressing the IPLC and their knowledge than what is found in other countries. Despite the recognized relevance of IPLC and their traditional knowledge for climate change adaptation, the use of climate framework laws to formally foster such recognition is still lacking. Setting up a scheme to monitor how the translation of the Paris Agreement is being undertaken into subsequent legislative processes is desirable. Such a scheme may clarify how IPLC and their traditional knowledge are effectively being considered as initially expected.



Description: In Italy to Argentina: Travel Writing and Emigrant Colonialism, Tullio Pagano examines Italian emigration to Argentina and the Rio de la Plata region through the writings of Italian economists, poets, anthropologists, and political activists from the 1860s to the beginning of World War I. He shows that Italians played an important role in the so-called conquest of the desert, which led to Argentina’s economic expansion and the suppression and killing of the remaining indigenous population. Many of the texts he discusses have hardly been studied before: from Paolo Mantegazza’s real and imaginary travel narratives at the time of Italian unification to Gina Lombroso’s descriptions of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina in early 1900s. Pagano questions the apparent opposition between diaspora and empire and argues that there was a continuity between the “peaceful conquest” though spontaneous emigration envisioned by Italian liberal intellectuals at the turn of the century and the military colonialism of Italian Nationalists and Fascists. He shows that racist assumptions about Native American and “creole” cultures were present in the work of progressive authors like Edmondo de Amicis, whose writings became enormously popular in Argentina, and anarchist militants and legal scholars like Pietro Gori, who founded the first revolutionary unions in Buenos Aires while remaining dangerously attached to Cesare Lombroso’s theories of atavism and primitivism. The “growl” of Italian emigrants about to land in Argentina, found in Dino Campana’s poem Buenos Aires (1907), echoes throughout Pagano’s book, and encourages the reader to explore the apparent oxymoron of “emigration colonialism” and the role of literature and public media in the formation of our social imaginary.


Abstract: In the late nineteenth century, the United States, Australia, and Canada launched comprehensive assimilation policies targeting indigenous children. These initiatives took shape amidst ongoing concerns with humanitarian protection. Emerging in the context of early nineteenth century AngloAmerican imperial discourse, humanitarian protectionists argued that in order to civilize indigenous peoples while protecting them from settler violence, centralized state power should reach deep into indigenous communities, reshaping every aspect of their existence from familial relations, sexuality, and communal life to everyday habits. In implementing this idea with the vastly expanded state power of the late nineteenth century, governments in all three countries sought to ‘rescue’ indigenous children from the ‘degenerative’ influence of their parents’ generation, and ultimately incorporate them into the racial and gendered order of settler society. The U.S. and Canadian assimilation policies hinged on state-run boarding schools for indigenous children, whereas the Australian policy focused on the biological absorption of “half-caste” indigenous children through adoption into white families. Despite these differences, underlying the assimilation policies of all three countries was what can be termed a new settler biopolitics, in which only the young generation of indigenous peoples, on condition that they are successfully transitioned into modern individuals, would be allowed to survive, while the older generation was categorically excluded from the settler states’ biopolitical regime and thus slated for extinction. While departing from the more rampant and conspicuous colonial violence of earlier periods, ultimately what the new state-led initiatives sought to achieve, armed with the technologies of modern governmentality, was firmly in line with settler colonialism’s ongoing drive to eliminate indigenous presence by weakening the collective resources and structural foundations of indigenous communities. In fact, by professing a concern for humanitarian protection and scientific management, the new mode of settler governmentality enabled settler states to more quietly but effectively facilitate the elimination of indigenous peoples.





Abstract: This dissertation takes up desire as the central analytic to examine the founding and consolidating of settler-colonial rule in Northeastern Turtle Island (Québec and the Great Lakes area, territory claimed by the French Empire as Nouvelle-France) as well as Indigenous women’s selfmaking and resistance in that area. I explore how the cultivation of desire is simultaneously an intense site of political theorizing and colonial investment, as well as Indigenous women’s selfmaking and resistance. Centering embodiment and embodied practices, I show how colonists and Indigenous women crafted different forms of attachment and desire, as well as their respective political efficacy in early modern settler-colonial politics. If the settler-colonial cultivation of desire hinges on disciplining Indigenous women’s bodies and regulating their affect, how did Indigenous women react to, subvert, and resist such colonial interventions in and through their embodied practices? I examine these processes and practices by weaving together close textual analyses and archival-historical research. Chapters are organized thematically. Chapter 1 introduces desire as a central inquiry of political philosophy and theory. I articulate the overall theoretical problematic and my methodology. Chapter 2 is a close reading of Jean Racine’s Iphigénie to tease out what I call the “imperial fantasy of consent” manifested through the enslaved foreign woman’s attachment to her colonizer. Chapter 3 examines the settler-colonial cultivation of desire through an analysis of settlercolonial educational practices aimed at managing Indigenous children’s bodies and regulating their affect. In Chapters 4 and 5 I turn to Indigenous women’s embodied practices as ways of cultivating decolonial desire. Chapter 4 examines Indigenous women’s ascetic practices that I argue show a form of self-making and community-building. Chapter 5 examines Indigenous women’s agricultural labor, i.e., labor in land as decolonial praxis. A concluding chapter reflects on the theoretical and political efficacy of centering desire, attachment, and embodied relations to studies of subjectivity, power, and resistance, as well as to ongoing efforts in theorizing settler-colonialism as a distinct modality of power. Throughout the dissertation, I work toward a decolonial account of desire, which has two different valences. First, I develop a decolonial reading of desire—that is, I dissect how imperial ideology took shape in early modern French literary and cultural productions, as well as colonial discourses, through the articulation of desire. Second, I develop an alternative account of desire as concrete attachments and relations cultivated through embodied practices. This study therefore contributes to feminist political theory, history of political thought, settler-colonial and Indigenous studies, as well as studies of early modern France and the French Empire.


Abstract: “Stories in Severalty: Allotment and Indigenous Modernisms” examines Indigenous engagements with the uneven textual, legal, and environmental terrains of the United States federal Indian policy known as allotment, which aimed to “assimilate” and “civilize” Indigenous Peoples in the United States by disrupting Indigenous forms of collective land tenure and by extending new regimes of racial capitalist property. Intensifying with the Dawes Act of 1887, allotment extinguished recognized tribal sovereignty and privatized Native lands held in common into parcels, which were then “allotted” to individual tribal members, along with US citizenship. Allotment introduced new racialized and gendered geographies that facilitated one of the most significant transfers of land and extractions of wealth in US history. As a scheme of Indigenous expropriation through privatization, allotment has been deployed elsewhere across the globe, and I argue that its terrains, then and now, play a significant role in the history of settler colonialism and racial capitalism. Through an interdisciplinary, community-engaged study of both literary and community texts, my dissertation shows how Indigenous authors engage with, resist, and challenge allotment’s enduring forms of domination. Continuous with longstanding Indigenous knowledges and practices, these engagements with “allotment modernity” work in and through allotment’s privatization schemes to extend Indigenous sovereignty and land relations into the future. My project argues that reading allotment through Indigenous texts, past and present, both critiques settler colonial and racial capitalist features of the policy that continue to impact present-day Indigenous communities, and shows how Indigenous Peoples have imaginatively appropriated and converted allotment features toward Indigenous ends.