Excerpt: The history of colonialism and the history of education have tended to be regarded as separate spheres of governance and scholarship. Our focus here, however, is on understanding the ways in which they are deeply connected, seeing them as sharing the goal of modernity that sought to transform individuals, states and society, including the modernisation of colonial relations. This special issue thus seeks to bring history of education and the history of colonialism into closer dialogue to show the ways in which ‘education’ has been directly imbricated in liberal, progressive, ‘protective’ and humanitarian responses to the conditions of settler-colonialism in this period. It explores how efforts towards ‘native education’ in this region contributed to new forms of settler governance as well as to contestations and/or mobilisations of this, not least as seen by Indigenous people. While Africa and India have featured in histories of colonial education that have been largely framed in the context of British Empire, the Pacific offers an exceptional opportunity to study interactions between British and American imperial and colonial modes of governance and their various articulations. This encompasses a focus from ‘international’ expertise and exchange, to the ambivalent circulations between ‘universal’ and local contexts and practices. Australasia and Oceania have not been sufficiently recognised as key sites in international and inter-imperial exchanges concerning the future of colonised subjects in the era of liberal, international and humanitarian imperialism that characterised the early twentieth century. This is reflective of the relative lack of attention to Oceania in terms of histories of education in general and, we argue, it is also reflective of insufficient recognition of the social sciences in settler/colonial rule.


Description: From the 1920s until the outbreak of the Second World War, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand filled British shop windows, newspaper columns, and cinema screens with “British to the core” Canadian apples, “British to the backbone” New Zealand lamb, and “All British” Australian butter. In remarkable yet forgotten advertising campaigns, prime ministers, touring cricketers, “lady demonstrators,” and even boxing kangaroos were pressed into service to sell more Dominion produce to British shoppers. But as they sold apples and butter, these campaigns also sold a Dominion-styled British identity. Selling Britishness explores the role of commodity marketing in creating Britishness. Dominion settlers considered themselves British and marketed their commodities accordingly. Meanwhile, ambitious Dominion advertising agencies set up shop in London to bring British goods, like Ovaltine, back to the dominions and persuade their fellow citizens to buy British. Conventionally nationalist narratives have posited the growth of independent national identities during the interwar period, though some have suggested imperial sentiment endured. Felicity Barnes takes a new approach, arguing that far from shaking off or relying on any lasting sense of Britishness, Dominion marketing produced it. Selling Britishness shows that when constructing Britishness, advertisers employed imperial hierarchies of race, class, and gender. Consumption worked to bolster colonialism, and advertising extended imperial power into the everyday. Drawing on extensive new archives, Selling Britishness explores a shared British identity constructed by marketers and advertisers during advertising’s golden age.




Abstract: Climate change has become a central concern on the international political agenda, challenging the decision-making of different levels of administration and types of actors. Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLC) have been recognized as relevant actors in climate matters, given their knowledge about territory, biodiversity, and their harmonious practices towards nature. With the evolution of knowledge on climate change, an increasing number of countries have developed climate laws. Given the provisions of the Paris Agreement to consider IPLC and their knowledge for climate action, it is relevant to assess how the contents of these types of laws pursue such ambition. By describing and categorizing the contents of climate laws, this article develops evidence-based research about how IPLC are attended to in climate framework laws of different countries. It examines whether the related contents of these laws align with the recommendation of the Paris Agreement regarding the need to consider traditional, indigenous, and local knowledge in the design of adaptation measures. The results show that only one-third of the identified climate laws refer to IPLC. Within these laws, those communities and their knowledge are scarcely attended to. However, a few climate laws develop relevant elements about these communities. The most common element relates to the participation of IPLC in deliberative bodies or climate decisions. In contrast, the least common element relates to the involvement of relevant communities in climate research. Notably, the climate laws of Finland (Europe) and Peru (South America) emerge as more comprehensive in addressing the IPLC and their knowledge than what is found in other countries. Despite the recognized relevance of IPLC and their traditional knowledge for climate change adaptation, the use of climate framework laws to formally foster such recognition is still lacking. Setting up a scheme to monitor how the translation of the Paris Agreement is being undertaken into subsequent legislative processes is desirable. Such a scheme may clarify how IPLC and their traditional knowledge are effectively being considered as initially expected.



Description: In Italy to Argentina: Travel Writing and Emigrant Colonialism, Tullio Pagano examines Italian emigration to Argentina and the Rio de la Plata region through the writings of Italian economists, poets, anthropologists, and political activists from the 1860s to the beginning of World War I. He shows that Italians played an important role in the so-called conquest of the desert, which led to Argentina’s economic expansion and the suppression and killing of the remaining indigenous population. Many of the texts he discusses have hardly been studied before: from Paolo Mantegazza’s real and imaginary travel narratives at the time of Italian unification to Gina Lombroso’s descriptions of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina in early 1900s. Pagano questions the apparent opposition between diaspora and empire and argues that there was a continuity between the “peaceful conquest” though spontaneous emigration envisioned by Italian liberal intellectuals at the turn of the century and the military colonialism of Italian Nationalists and Fascists. He shows that racist assumptions about Native American and “creole” cultures were present in the work of progressive authors like Edmondo de Amicis, whose writings became enormously popular in Argentina, and anarchist militants and legal scholars like Pietro Gori, who founded the first revolutionary unions in Buenos Aires while remaining dangerously attached to Cesare Lombroso’s theories of atavism and primitivism. The “growl” of Italian emigrants about to land in Argentina, found in Dino Campana’s poem Buenos Aires (1907), echoes throughout Pagano’s book, and encourages the reader to explore the apparent oxymoron of “emigration colonialism” and the role of literature and public media in the formation of our social imaginary.


Abstract: In the late nineteenth century, the United States, Australia, and Canada launched comprehensive assimilation policies targeting indigenous children. These initiatives took shape amidst ongoing concerns with humanitarian protection. Emerging in the context of early nineteenth century AngloAmerican imperial discourse, humanitarian protectionists argued that in order to civilize indigenous peoples while protecting them from settler violence, centralized state power should reach deep into indigenous communities, reshaping every aspect of their existence from familial relations, sexuality, and communal life to everyday habits. In implementing this idea with the vastly expanded state power of the late nineteenth century, governments in all three countries sought to ‘rescue’ indigenous children from the ‘degenerative’ influence of their parents’ generation, and ultimately incorporate them into the racial and gendered order of settler society. The U.S. and Canadian assimilation policies hinged on state-run boarding schools for indigenous children, whereas the Australian policy focused on the biological absorption of “half-caste” indigenous children through adoption into white families. Despite these differences, underlying the assimilation policies of all three countries was what can be termed a new settler biopolitics, in which only the young generation of indigenous peoples, on condition that they are successfully transitioned into modern individuals, would be allowed to survive, while the older generation was categorically excluded from the settler states’ biopolitical regime and thus slated for extinction. While departing from the more rampant and conspicuous colonial violence of earlier periods, ultimately what the new state-led initiatives sought to achieve, armed with the technologies of modern governmentality, was firmly in line with settler colonialism’s ongoing drive to eliminate indigenous presence by weakening the collective resources and structural foundations of indigenous communities. In fact, by professing a concern for humanitarian protection and scientific management, the new mode of settler governmentality enabled settler states to more quietly but effectively facilitate the elimination of indigenous peoples.