Abstract: This article offers a critical reassessment of francophone education in Canada through postcolonial and settler colonial theory. Francophone communities have long framed themselves as colonized minorities resisting linguistic and cultural assimilation. However, this identity often obscures their simultaneous participation in settler colonial structures, particularly regarding Indigenous lands and histories. Adopting a comparative, critical narrative methodology, the article analyzes curriculum frameworks from multiple Canadian provinces, historical documents such as the Parent Commission (1963–1966), and key texts on decolonization and Indigenous–settler relations. Literary and philosophical perspectives complement this analysis by exploring the affective and ethical dimensions of truth-telling in education. Findings reveal that while francophone education emphasizes cultural survival, it often marginalizes Indigenous perspectives or includes them in superficial ways. Curricula across Canada show persistent tensions between gestures of inclusion and deeper structural silences. Institutional and employment precarity among francophone teachers further complicates the adoption of critical pedagogies, especially when they challenge dominant national narratives. The article proposes a pedagogical ethics of truth built around three dimensions: epistemic accountability, affective engagement, and transformative praxis. It calls for curricula co-created with Indigenous partners, validation of emotional responses to injustice, and learning practices grounded in dialogue and land based inquiry. Ultimately, the article challenges the limits of multicultural inclusion and the myth of francophone innocence. Truth telling in education, it argues, must move beyond symbolic gestures to become a foundational commitment—one that embraces discomfort and reimagines historical responsibility as an ongoing and relational process.



Abstract: Growing demand from the British timber market led loggers to push deep into Algonquin territory in the first half of the nineteenth century, and tens of thousands of agricultural settlers followed suit. While the Algonquin faced unrelenting pressures from the timber industry and agricultural settlement, colonial governments representing the Crown failed to negotiate the acquisition of Indigenous land as required under the Royal Proclamation of 1763. Using expanded timber ship immigration data from 1817 to 1839, as well as agricultural census manuscripts, we reappraise how timber extractivism operated in conjunction with settler colonialism to dispossess the Algonquin in the Ottawa Valley. Our case study, which focuses on Westmeath Township, demonstrates the interconnected processes that prioritized and enabled thousands of settlers to transform remote, unceded land into a neo-European landscape, effectively “un-making” Algonquin space in a short period of time. Settlers followed the timber roads up the Ottawa Valley beyond the Rocher Fendu Rapids in the 1830s and 1840s, drawn in part by the high prices paid by timber camps for oats and hay. Farmers extended the ecological transformation of the regions begun by the loggers, clearing forests to establish permanent farms above the rapids. Timber extractivism and settler colonialism fed one into the other as the logging camps provided labour opportunities and a market for animal feed, timber ships provided cheap passage, and settlers provided food and labour.



Abstract: This article considers what role and responsibility historians may have when faced with settler society’s tendency to be freshly shocked each time it learns (again) about a colonial horror from its past that was, in fact, already long well known by many. Following an introduction, my argument unfolds in five sections. First, I engage a mostly Indigenous scholarship to suggest replotting British Columbia’s timeline as a continuum, or continuous process, of ongoing violence that illuminates connections across myriad forms of violence. Second, I reflect on an earlier, mostly non-Indigenous historiography about physical force and violence in British Columbia. Third, with this scholarship as context, I use an experimental format to present a catalogue of dispossession drawn from transcripts of the Royal Commission on Indian Affairs for the Province of British Columbia (1913–1916). These accounts demonstrate that settlers relied on physical violence during the foundational pre-emption and Crown granting processes to an extent that warrants greater attention. Fourth, I suggest that some important implications follow from this for understandings of British Columbia’s past and present. Fifth, I argue that taking the long view of settler-on-Indigenous violence as a continuum helps clarify connections among forms of violence, particularly in relation to the materiality of forced physical dispossession, and, in so doing, moves us closer to telling histories that are not just for the winners.



Excerpt: Canada’s most enduring violence against Indigenous women and their descendants is currently written into Canada’s federal legislation: policies that have long targeted Indigenous women and their descendants with discrimination and erasure. My engagement with this work is rooted in personal experience, and I begin with a brief positionality statement to explain how my own status journey led me to critically examine the Indian Act’s ongoing impacts. From its enactment, the Indian Act has directly targeted Indigenous women and their children with discriminatory, assimilating policies. Despite these policies being acknowledged as discriminatory against Indigenous women and their descendants, Canada has not effectively addressed the systemic inequities to remedy the issue. Parliament first introduced Bill C-31 to rectify the sexual discrimination within the Indian Act, only to create more inequity. After backlash, Canada enacted Bill C-3, which, while granting status to many, continued to enable many of the previous prejudiced policies. Bill S-3 looked promising to remedy the core issues of the sexually discriminatory assimilation policies within the Indian Act, only to be passed without the crucial amendment. The Government of Canada is now enacting a collaborative process to look for further remedies for the inequitable policies, despite already having an effective solution to the remaining inequities with the disregarded amendment of Bill S-3.1 As a result, Indigenous women and their descendants are left to deal with the far-reaching consequences of these policies, including the socioeconomic marginalization and the heightened vulnerability they face in connection with the ongoing crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls, and Two-Spirit individuals. With the current supports like Jordan’s Principle overburdened, Indigenous women and their descendants are left with little to support them in the aftermath of this political violence.2 The Indian Act’s gender-discriminatory policies continue to marginalize Indigenous women and their descendants. These harms are upheld by insufficient legislative reforms and Canada’s failure to implement meaningful change, resulting in lasting systemic inequities, reduced access to essential supports, and increased vulnerability across generations.


Abstract: While scientists have sounded the alarm regarding anthropocentrically-fueled climate change for decades, global governmental and even smaller-scale responses to slow or halt this process have sometimes been sluggish or wholly ineffective. Yet Indigenous Peoples whose homes are on lands claimed by the United States, particularly coastal Peoples, have been engaging with climate change’s effects and working to mitigate them for decades, often using traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). Kyle Powys Whyte, Zoe Todd, Gregory Cajete, and other Indigenous scholars working in the environmental sciences, environmental humanities, and Indigenous studies more broadly have explored and documented how various Indigenous communities are refusing displacement from this latest crisis caused by colonization. Indigenous activists and scholars have long connected climate change and the Sixth Extinction with settler colonialism and colonization more broadly, noting that the systems responsible for the increased carbon output, namely capitalism, directly result from colonization. Todd and Heather Davis, for example, argue that the Anthropocene’s golden spike should begin with colonization in the 15th century, a suggestion taken up in varying degrees by non-Native scholars, such as Mark Maslin and Simon Lewis, and Kathryn Yusoff. This essay examines the work of several Indigenous poets, particularly those belonging to coastal Peoples whose homelands are currently claimed by the US, such as Craig Santos Perez (CHamoru), dg nanouk okpik (Iñupiaq-Inuit), Houston Cypress (Miccosukee), and Thomas Parrie (Choctaw-Apache Tribe of Ebarb) in order to gain insight regarding how these regions and Peoples both frame climate change and respond to it through contemporary ecopoetry


Excerpt: Inuit have an interconnected and inter-reliant relationship with the land, waters, and ice across their homelands which include Kalaallit Nunaat/ Greenland, Canada, Alaska (United States), and Chukotka (Russia). Drastic changes in the Arctic place Inuit on the frontlines of climate change. Thawing permafrost and eroding coastlines undermine built infrastructure and entire Inuit communities face relocation. Increasingly unpredictable freeze-melt patterns of sea ice threaten Inuit food security and sovereignty. Wildland and forest fires, as well as rain-on-snow events are reshaping the landscape and affecting the health of animals, the land, and consequently Inuit themselves. While the impacts of climate change are felt globally, the urgency to act and adapt is not new to Inuit, who have been raising the alarm about climate change for decades. The oceans, sea ice, and glaciers across Inuit homelands are sites of increasing interest for proposed climate intervention and geoengineering projects. These waters and ice are central to a healthy ecosystems, Inuit food sovereignty and traditional economies, and they support transportation and connectivity for Inuit, while also contributing to global weather and climate systems. In pursuit of solutions to climate change, some geoengineering experiments have already been funded and carried out in Inuit homelands, while others remain in scoping or conceptual stages. The Arctic Ice Project (formerly Ice911) faced strong vocal opposition from Alaska Native groups and environmental NGOs for solar radiation management (SRM) experiments conducted on a lake near Utqiaġvik, Alaska in 2017, and ceased operations in 2025. Although the Greenland Ice Sheet Conservation (GRISCO) project made some efforts to engage Inuit in Ilulissat, Greenland, a more formal approach is required to uphold the rights of Inuit. In 2025 researchers determined that this seabed curtain experiment was not feasible in Sermeq Kujalleq. The Real Ice Project has been conducting sea-ice thickening experiments since 2024 in Cambridge Bay, Nunavut. This project has engaged directly with Inuit in the community and received support from the Ekaluktutiak Hunters and Trappers Organization, as required by Nunavut research permitting processes. Engagement with Inuit through brief advisory meetings, employment as field assistants, or open town halls does not, however, fully address the obligations of these projects to Inuit as rightsholders.