See especially: Chapter 1: Michael Clarke, ‘Framing the Xinjiang emergency: colonialism and settler colonialism as pathways to cultural genocide?’; and Chapter 4: Sean R. Roberts, ‘Settler colonialism in the name of counterterrorism: of “savages” and “terrorists”‘.

Excerpt: For several decades after its 1946 premiere, John Antill’s Corroboree was widely regarded as the work that defined Australian music and “Australianness” in music. As a government publication put it in 1969, “Antill … had to bear the distinction and notoriety of being hailed as the creator of Australian music.”¹ James Murdoch opened his 1972 book Australia’s Contemporary Composers with the claim that it was “generally agreed” that his subject, “creative music” in Australia, “began in 1946 with the performance of Corroboree.”² For the commentators of the 1960s and 1970s, Corroboree was the work that brought a belated modernism to Australian composition.³ Such a historiography has since been challenged and recognized to be a product of 1960s compositional modernism itself.

Abstract: During U.S. colonization of the mid-nineteenth-century coastal Pacific Northwest, Native peoples and white American settlers used canoes and steamboats to imagine and sustain multiple overlapping mobilities within the same territory. Native peoples’ persistent mobility disrupted and delayed American colonization. Analyzing historical descriptions of mobility enables us to recover how Natives and non-Natives (primarily American settlers and U.S. officials) understood connections between technology, mobility, the environment, and power. A terraqueous approach highlights connections between land and water. While settlers routinely relied on Native canoe pullers to traverse Pacific Northwest waters into the mid-1870s, many resented this dependence and saw Native mobility as impeding U.S. colonization. Settlers imagined steamboats would let them control their own movements and those of Native peoples. Instead, steamboats became another way Native people integrated settlers into existing Native networks. Today, Pacific Northwest Native peoples have deliberately re-framed canoe mobility as a contemporary articulation of Native identity and sovereignty. Studying terraqueous mobility in a coastal border region offers fresh insights into the ways settler colonialism works (or tries to work) by revealing the importance of mobile Native labor as both an element of and an obstacle to settler colonization.

Abstract: In Canada, Indigenous activists and scholars critique municipalization as a threefold process that subverts Indigenous authority to the state, then delegates forms of state authority to Indigenous peoples, and concludes by asserting that delegated authority satisfies the terms of Indigenous self determination. This article centers municipalization in two steps that connect it to how Canada divides power regarding foreign and domestic affairs. The first examines the history of municipalization and its evolution alongside changes in Canadian federalism. The second examines dispossession by municipalization to show how state divisions of power facilitate extraction of value from land. It uses a case where the federal government considered creating new, privatized reserves of Indigenous land explicitly to facilitate oil pipelines. Together, these support an argument that municipalization is not only a powerful language of critique, but critical to understanding the ongoing production of settler colonial space.

Abstract: This paper critically compares the work of two contemporary Canadian artists Leanne Simpson and Kent Monkman. Simpson’s innovative collection of poems titled Islands of Decolonial Love (2013) and Monkman’s provocative exhibition Shame and Prejudice: A Story of Resilience (2014) emerge from their personal and historical experiences of settler colonialism in Canada, which continues to impact the lives of the First Nations People adversely. The paper reveals how Simpson and Monkman challenge the government’s tokenistic efforts at reparation and rehabilitation. To represent the specific horrors of urban poverty, sexual violence, and daily microaggressions that the First Nations People face without falling into the trap of appropriation or sentimentalism, Simpson and Monkman combine visual and aesthetic traditions from their Cree and Anishinaabe roots. This paper highlights the significance of these hybrid genres of First Nations storytelling in the project of decolonization and resilience. It demonstrates how the Native Canadian subaltern ‘speaks’ in these narratives without relinquishing the position of subalternity.

Abstract: Carpio, Barnd, and Barraclough introduce the concepts of ‘settler anchoring’ and ‘mobility sovereignty.’ They argue that settler colonial spaces are structures of mobility injustice, and that securing Indigenous mobility must account for the ability of Indigenous peoples to choose when, where, how, and for what purposes to engage in movement (or not). They illustrate how the practice of mobility underlies the fiction of ‘settling,’ offer examples for understanding Indigenous mobility principles and practices, and examine the potential incommensurabilities between mobility justice and mobility sovereignties that reject settler colonialism. The authors argue for the urgency of integrating the ‘mobilities paradigm’ with Indigenous studies and ethnic studies analyses of settler colonialism, Indigeneity, and race. The article also serves as introduction to the special issue of Mobilities, ‘Mobilizing Indigeneity and Race Within and Against Settler Colonialism.’ The authors preview how the special issue offers new insights into settler colonialism’s mobile architectures, competing technologies of maritime mobility, decolonial forms of landscape conservation on travel corridors, how ‘voluntourism’ enables the crafting of White settler subjectivity, the roles of digital media for displaced peoples, and what it means to move as a sovereign Indigenous nation.

Abstract: This article analyses anti-fascist and anti-colonial political efforts carried out by white settlers in Angola, against Salazar’s colonial dictatorship, between 1930 and 1945. It begins with an analysis of the origins and characteristics of the settlers’ political protest, considering in particular the conflicted relationships between the colonists and the Estado Novo in the 1930s. The article then analyses the secessionist conspiracy in 1940/1941, which was promoted by a group of anti-fascist settlers in Angola, in close connection with the Union of South Africa. Additionally, the article deals with the action of an anti-colonial political organisation named Organização Socialista de Angola (OSA), which was the first Euro-African nationalist movement in Angola. OSA was mostly formed by young Angolan-born whites and mestiços, who demanded full political independence as well as the end of discrimination against all Angolans. However, OSA was severely repressed by the Portuguese authorities, and a number of anti-fascist settlers, including the Vicar General of the Catholic Church, were arrested and deported to Portugal. Nonetheless, despite the repression exerted by the dictatorship, the settlers’ political protest, which was both anti-fascist and anti-colonial, had relevant repercussions in Angola, having contributed to the political structuring of Angolan nationalism in the 1940s.

Abstract: Critical family history analyses have generated powerful insights into the history and ongoing workings of colonization by bringing to light forgotten family histories and reframing them as stories of colonialism. Such work unsettles the descendants of early colonizers by compelling them to acknowledge the ways in which they continue to benefit from the colonizing actions of their ancestors. My family were colonizers, and some not-very-distant ancestors were part of the first wave of “settlers” who dispossessed Māori of their land in coastal Taranaki. Where my family differs from the families of many writers in the critical family history field is that they remain almost to this day on the land first taken by our direct ancestors. The question I address is how these settler farmers deal with the fact that the land that is now theirs is only recently so, and only became so through acts of violent dispossession, and that the descendants of the original possessors of that land continue to live on the Coast. I argue that one way that settler-colonizers deal with this uncomfortable history is to erase it. The erasure of this history is accomplished through the simple but effective strategy of not-talking about it, which leads to not-knowing about it. This practice, I suggest is critical for the subjective security of settlers, and it remains a crucial strategy in ongoing practices of quotidian colonization. My analysis emanates from a critically reflexive exploration of my memories, of what I know and what I do not know about the history of the farm I grew up on, and demonstrates that autoethnography as a methodology is particularly useful for interrogating and breaking the silences about colonization that contribute to its perpetuation.

Abstract: This article examines two household guides produced by and for settler housewives in colonial Kenya. The article argues that these texts were part of a larger discursive project which emphasised the necessity of maintaining social and affective distance between white women and the African men who worked as domestic servants in colonial homes. Importantly, this distance was viewed as necessary to maintaining the sexual wellbeing of the colony, since both officials and settlers suggested that white women were to blame for cases of interracial rape in the colony. This discourse held that white women inculcated sexual desires in their servants by behaving towards them with excessive intimacy. This article focuses especially on ‘KiSetla’, the dialect of KiSwahili used in Kenyan settler homes. As a language native neither to mistress nor servant, KiSetla was predestined to produce daily confusion between white women and their African male employees. Yet, this was precisely the point – the production of quotidian hostilities helped diffuse anxieties about cross-racial and gendered contact. This article positions household guides as disciplinary texts which sought to manage the intimacies of the colonial home through scripting affective distance between white mistresses and African servants.

Abstract: In this essay, I discuss YouTube travel videos produced by Zapotec Indigenous communities across the US–Mexico border. These point-of-view travel videos that depict the arrival of the videographer into Indigenous communities along the International Highway 190 in Oaxaca, Mexico. To those unfamiliar with the regions depicted, they are seemingly devoid of content, but for undocumented Zapotec viewers who reside away from their homelands, these videos offer them a way to exercise an imaginative mobility. Drawing from the fields of mobility studies, media studies, and critical Indigenous studies, I examine how these YouTube videos are mobile postcards that help immigrant communities stay connect to their communities and challenge uneven structures that deny them the ability to travel freely across borders. In this essay, I contextualize how settler colonial structures in both Mexico and the US intervene in the lives of Zapotec communities in ways that attempt to dictate Indigenous people’s mobility.