Abstract: Canada and Australia each have long histories of containing Indigenous peoples and migrants. The overincarceration of Indigenous peoples continues to worsen in both countries, despite targeted reforms. Migrant detention is on the rise worldwide, with Canada and Australia’s systems understood as among the harshest. This thesis explores why Canada and Australia contain these populations by examining these practices through the lens of contemporary settler colonialism. Like most everything, containment by states has undergone rapid changes as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. This study aims to understand how COVID-19 impacted those within carceral institutions, and contextualize that treatment within the same settler colonial logics and histories that animate their containment in the first place. My methodology consists of a literature review and a comparative study of Canada and Australia’s responses to COVID-19 in carceral institutions. The literature review summarizes theories of settler colonialism and the settler state, and traces Canada and Australia’s containment practices through to the contemporary overincarceration of Indigenous peoples and detention of migrants. My comparative study utilized publicly available data, media sources, and literature to map the policy responses to COVID-19 in carceral spaces, and interpret the implications of those policies. This data was sourced from published statics from the Canadian and Australian government and affiliated institutions, independent reports from domestic and international bodies, and works published by independent researchers and journalists. This thesis concludes that people held in carceral institutions in both Canada and Australia were severely impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic beyond the negative impacts felt by the general public. In Australia, while cases of COVID-19 remained low, the rights of those in prisons and immigration detention centres were substantially eroded as a result of the pandemic, and for some even basic sustenance and medical needs were interrupted. In Canada, COVID-19 was rampant in carceral facilities, with higher case counts per 1,000 people among those contained in comparison with the general Canadian population. While finalizing this thesis, COVID-19 remains an active threat to both countries and their incarcerated populations, particularly in the wake of the Delta variant. From this study, I find that contemporary settler colonial logics work to keep Indigenous peoples and migrants incarcerated and renders them as ‘less grievable’; a framing which ultimately exposed those contained to both a greater risk of infection from the virus, but also maltreatment in the name of public health. Crucially, this understanding of those within carceral facilities as less grievable rendered them less worthy of protection. This apprehension of these lives as less grievable has further allowed Canada and Australia to maintain their domestic and international identity as progressive, liberal democracies, while enforcing decidedly antiprogressive policies within carceral institutions. In spite of this, this study found isolated instances of decarceration, which may one day serve as important precedent on the road to abolition.


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Abstract: This dissertation examines the tremendous expansion of university education across Britain’s colonies of settlement and their self-governing successors – Australia, Canada, New Zealand, South Africa, and the United States – from new universities’ shaky beginnings at the start of the nineteenth century to their firm foundations and continued growth a century later. Imperial, national, state or provincial legislation such as the American Morrill Act created over one hundred new institutions of higher education within eighty years. The imperative to build universities for settlers did not come from Britain. Nor were these institutions, as some scholars have suggested, the clear derivatives of European universities. In addition, before 1900, most settlers regarded undergraduate education as a “questionable experiment” due to the elitism of higher education, but also because access to elementary and secondary schooling was far from commonplace. The question at the core of this dissertation, then, is: why were so many universities built at all? In order to explain universities’ spread and staying power, Bricks and Mortar Boards covers the financial and administrative records of thirty-six universities on four continents, studied together for the first time. It argues that universities’ expansion depended on a confluence of contingent factors and at least one necessary condition: capital. A combination of religious rivalry, political fragmentation, interinstitutional and intercolonial learning, and distinctive financing strategies – based upon Indigenous land endowments and mineral wealth – propelled the incredible expansion of public universities across the nineteenth-century settler world. Bricks and Mortar Boards also serves as a wider case study of how non-governmental institutions perpetuated the authority of settler-colonial states and became a part of a broader move to territorialize Indigenous land. Britain’s global empire facilitated connections between settler institutions – of students, professors, technologies, and ideas – meaning that these universities did not develop in isolation from one another. Looking across these universities thus reveals patterns in their development that are not discernable at the level of a single institution. Instead, in a period of global migrations, gold rushes, and state expansion, educationalists who were oceans apart faced similar challenges and drew on imperial networks to overcome them.



Abstract: Israel’s West Bank settlements are a central point of contention in the dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Overall, however, their rapid proliferation has been generally understood through the lens of an ideologically centered approach that highlights, specifically, the centrality of the national religious settlers’ movement. Against this background, the article focuses on the overlooked reality of large, state-sponsored suburban settlements – and in particular on the role of the Israeli Ministry of Housing in their establishment between the mid-1970s and the early 1990s. Building on contributions in the field of political economy and political geography, we conceive the actions of the Ministry in the occupied West Bank as a result of a broader strategy of spatial restructuring. By considering both economic and political imperatives underlying this strategy, our analysis offers a more comprehensive assessment of the factors behind Israel’s settlement policy. Drawing on a broad range of empirical sources, from archival material to in-depth interviews with Israeli planners, we argue that the proliferation of settlements has been largely the outcome of a process of metropolitanization – i.e. of the dynamics of urban development of Israel’s main metropolitan centers and the adoption of a new, post-Keynesian policy paradigm based on market-oriented economic development. This process has constituted a major factor for the settlements’ growth and, ultimately, in the emergence and naturalization of a new territorial configuration in the area of Israel/Palestine.