Description: A bold reconceptualization of how settler expansion and narratives of victimhood, honor, and revenge drove the conquest and erasure of the Native South and fed the emergence of a distinct white southern identity. In 1823, Tennessee historian John Haywood encapsulated a foundational sentiment among the white citizenry of Tennessee when he wrote of a “long continued course of aggression and sufferings” between whites and Native Americans. According to F. Evan Nooe, “aggression” and “sufferings” are broad categories that can be used to represent the framework of factors contributing to the coalescence of the white South. Traditionally, the concept of coalescence is an anthropological model used to examine the transformation of Indigenous communities in the Eastern Woodlands from chieftaincies to Native tribes, confederacies, and nations in response to colonialism. Applying this concept to white southerners, Nooe argues that through the experiences and selective memory of settlers in the antebellum South, white southerners incorporated their aggression against and suffering at the hands of the Indigenous peoples of the Southeast in the coalescence of a regional identity built upon the violent dispossession of the Native South. This, in turn, formed a precursor to Confederate identity and its later iterations in the long nineteenth century. Geographically, Aggression and Sufferings prioritizes events in South Carolina, Florida, Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama. Nooe considers how divergent systems of violence and justice between Native Americans and white settlers (such as blood revenge and concepts of honor) functioned in the region and examines the involved societies’ conflicting standards on how to equitably resolve interpersonal violence. Finally, Nooe explores how white southerners constructed, propagated, and perpetuated harrowing tales of colonizers as both victims and heroes in the violent expulsion of the region’s Native peoples from their homelands. This constructed sense of regional history and identity continued to flower into the antebellum period, during western expansion, and well through the twentieth century.




Abstract: In Mediterranean cities, settler colonial urbanisation operates through spatial homogenisation that transforms difference into otherness. Since 1979, in Budva, Montenegro, low-income working-class and forced migrants have confronted settler colonial urban practices—a system wherein established residents leverage local identity and political power to exclude newcomers. Interior settler colonialism constitutes a mode of domination characterised by the aspiration of an established collective to expel immigrants from the city. Rather than merely enduring displacement, these communities transform their marginalisation into resistance through what I term “liminal urbanisation.” Through inhabiting interstitial spaces, physically marginal neighbourhoods challenge the Manichean divisions between “legitimate” residents and “others.” These traced spatial, cultural, and social heterogeneities transcend the dualistic worldview of Manichean urbanisation—a political construct wherein privileged citizens, defined by local identity, economic stability, and political empowerment, assert their authority to govern urban territories at the expense of marginalised groups. Drawing upon multi-sited ethnography, which encompasses qualitative observation in immigrant settlements, neighbourhood mapping, household interviews, archival analysis of planning documents and policy frameworks, and mapping of spatial transformations, I trace how immigrants strategically contested their socio-political invisibility. The concluding analysis contributes to urban theory by demonstrating how liminal urbanisation reveals pathways for decolonising Mediterranean cities through participatory planning, cultural integration initiatives, and structural reforms that recognise immigrants as legitimate city-makers rather than temporary labourers.


Description: Berserk Violence, Racial Vengeance, and Settler Colonialism in American Writing from Franklin to Melville studies the literary and cultural tradition of the “Indian Hater” in American writing from the decades between the Revolution and the Civil War. In dozens of short stories, novels, poems, plays, and historical publications, Indian Haters were white settlers on the western frontier who vowed to kill all “Indians” to avenge the deaths of family members at the hands of a few. As they engage their episodes in racial violence, they attain transcendent racial powers based in traditions of historical white barbarism and the powers of the legendary berserker, the crazed Nordic super-warrior. Indian Haters’ obsession with genocidal retribution reflected and participated in important conversations in the new nation about race, violence, nation, and masculinity, as well as about the role of the emergent mass print culture in the distribution of propaganda, disinformation, and misrepresentation. At the same time, many authors used Indian Haters to represent the moral failure of the new nation, profoundly critiquing its ambitions and assumptions. Using theories and methods drawn from studies of settler colonialism, nationalism, media, sociology, trauma, and literary history, Edward Watts excavates dozens of long-lost Indian Hater accounts, as well as better-known ones from Benjamin Franklin, Charles Brockden Brown, James Hall, Robert Montgomery Bird, and Herman Melville, to tell the story of a story, and how that story exposes the complex machinations of the role of print culture’s interactions with the violence of settler colonialism.




Abstract: Based on nine months of ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines Palestinian political graffiti in Berlin as a visible form of resistance against state repression. It conceptualises this repression as a transnational extension of settler-colonial mechanisms – understood as settler coloniality, following AnnaEsther Younes – and deeply entangled with Germany’s antiPalestinian racism and institutionalised memory politics. This framework legitimises surveillance, censorship, racialized policing, and the deployment of high-tech state power against Palestinian activists. Amid this repressive landscape, political graffiti functions as a counter-public, confronting dominant narratives, resisting structural silencing, and reimagining Berlin’s urban surfaces as spaces of response. These visual interventions are not merely symbolic; they provoke ideological opponents, nurture political consciousness, and resist historical erasure. Much of this graffiti is created by recently arrived Palestinian refugees, particularly those affiliated with Samidoun, the now-banned Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network. The suppression of political graffiti and the framing of Palestinian activism as ‘new antisemitism’ serve to uphold a colonial hierarchy that systematically delegitimizes Palestinian resistance. While acknowledging the limitations of graffiti as a tool for political change – its vulnerability to erasure, alteration, and smudging – this paper emphasises its role in asserting agency, sustaining transnational anti-colonial solidarity, and exposing the contours of anti-Palestinian racism in Germany.


Abstract: This thesis asks what kinds of themes and ignorances arise in the Finnish Parliament, when Members of the Finnish Parliament (MPs) legislate on Sámi, and what kind of implications Parliamentary discussions have, regarding Finnish policy toward Sámi, and the relations between the Finnish state and Sámi. Sámi, the only recognized Indigenous people in the European Union live across Northern Finland, Sweden, Norway, and the Kola Peninsula, in their traditional homeland Sápmi, and have been, throughout the history, the subjects of various assimilationist and colonial policies and efforts. To examine the situation, this thesis draws from settler colonial theory as well as theories of knowledge and ignorance. Publicly available parliamentary data two Records of Parliamentary Plenary sessions, PTK 127/2022 and PTK 128/2022, and six written questions, publicly available through the website of the Finnish Parliament, are examined through thematic analysis, as this was deemed the most effective way to examine the contributions Finnish MPs have made between 2014 and 2022, considering that ignorance has not been studied in this context in Finland. The analysis finds six themes regarding ignorances and their implications for the Sámi and the Finnish society as a whole. This thesis finds that both ignorances and colonialisms in the contributions made by MPs are rooted in the view that Indigenous rights are a zero-sum game. Furthermore, the MPs in question have an implicit worry regarding the land use in Sápmi with the emergence of Sámi rights. Finally, the implications of the findings to Sámi, wider society, and further research are discussed.