Abstract: The Dark Duo Model of Post-Colonial Ideology states that post-colonial nations possess a specific set of sociostructural conditions that foster a unique pair of complementary ideologies responsible for maintaining the status quo. These are the ideologies of Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion. Together, these ideologies articulate a pair of discourses that draw upon culturally sanctioned repertoires to effectively resolve the collective dissonance created by past—and present—injustices experienced by Indigenous peoples. Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion form a joint ideological system that legitimizes inequality in two critical social domains common to all post-colonial societies: one domain relating to resource allocations for Indigenous peoples and the other domain relating to representation and membership in the nation’s identity. In the current article, we review and integrate over 10 years of research on post-colonial intergroup relations in New Zealand, leading up to a formal presentation of the Dark Duo Model. Our work in this area indicates that Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion are psychometrically distinct constructs that are stable over time. A meta-analytic review of 13 independent samples (N = 18,903) shows that both ideologies are independently associated with Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism among members of the dominant (European) group in New Zealand. We review and explain why there are systematic ethnic group differences in support for these dual ideologies and why positive intergroup contact with the dominant group attenuates resistance to Symbolic Exclusion amongst Māori (the Indigenous peoples). We also show that Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion exert powerful unique effects on voter sentiment and support for different social policies relating to biculturalism and that these ideologies mediate the effects of Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism on various sociopolitical attitudes. Our Dark Duo Model is a context-specific extension of the Dual-Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice that explains how specific post-colonial ideologies are generated and used to maintain social inequalities that systematically disadvantage Indigenous peoples.

Abstract: Communities throughout the U.S. West erected monuments to white pioneer mothers in the late 1920s. While other western sculptors’ interest in frontier women soon faded, Avard Fairbanks continued to produce prominent public monuments to pioneer women and families for the next fifty years. Fairbanks’s pioneer monuments provide a valuable case study for examining the ways in which changing social norms influenced public monuments over the course of the twentieth century. Focusing on Avard Fairbanks’s fifty years of pioneer-themed monuments highlights the sculptor’s role in transforming idealized images of settler families from objects of purely regional memory into a national American family ideal.

Excerpt: Since Charles and Mary Beard dubbed it “the Second American Revolution,” the Civil War has occupied pride of place as the pivot point in the traditional narrative of U.S. history. If nothing else, scholars have had to at least confront the idea of “revolution” when reckoning with the era, whether they see it as–for example–a revolution in state formation (Richard Bensel), a revolution in favor of freedom (James Oakes), or even a “a preemptive counter-revolution” (James McPherson). Certainly, the violent disruption of the American state, the carnage wrought by the war on both the human and physical landscapes, and the fierce urgency of the issues involved (especially slavery) underscore the revolutionary nature of the war and its aftermath. We also need to recognize the decisive ways in which that era shaped our present, particularly with its attempts to untie the knots of race and slavery. Those attempts, were, of course, incomplete. They were violently interrupted by recalcitrant white southerners using terror tactics to stem the tide of radical reconstruction, aided and abetted by an increasingly compliant North that had, in the words of the New York Herald, “gotten tired of the Negro.” So the era remains, to resort once again to the metaphor, “America’s unfinished revolution.”

Abstract: The sentiment of being “surrounded by barbarians” was once specific to settler-colonial societies. But as the European refugee crisis made headlines in 2015, it became evident that this sentiment is gaining widespread currency in the Western world. Three developments lie behind its extension: first, the resurgence in the militarized Western appropriation of world resources and its colonial imaginary; second, the crisis in the order of the national borders that has regulated the exploitation of land, resources, and labor in the neocolonial era; and third, the ecological crisis, which equally manifests itself as a crisis in the order of the borders of domestication that defined the modern exploitation of nature. Analyzing the intersection of these social processes offers us important insights into some of the dominant dynamics of Western culture today.

Abstract: This article compares the real GDP per capita of the Cape Colony and Natal between 1861 and 1909 with that of Australia’s two most developed colonies, Victoria and New South Wales. Estimates of European and non-European GDP per capita for both South African colonies are also provided. Together, this information allows for the first time an evaluation of the growth performance of these important parts of the South African economy in the colonial era. The article concludes that South African performance in this period was stronger than often assumed and that by the beginning of the twentieth century European South Africans, now more fully integrated into a British World economy, operated at a level of GDP per capita that matched and in some places may have exceeded that of Australians. Non-European South Africans, however, did not share in these same advances.

Perhaps the name as well as the seal should go. ‘Whitesboro’, after all, means ‘autonomous walled town for whites’, which is what settler colonialism is all about (i.e., a sovereign self-defensive capacity that is exercised by a racially defined community, which is something you do by eliminating indigenous peoples).

Check the New York Times approach and note the distance: the logo is ‘called’ racist, and it only ‘seems’ to show a white man choking an indigenous person. The image the NYT used was distant too, so I added a clearer one below. The defenders of the logo’s point about ‘historical accuracy’ is factually correct.

Excerpt: For European scholars, the discourse surrounding the nature of relationships between Australian settlers and Indigenous population, particularly in relation to the legitimacy of belonging in the land, holds an intriguing aura. As cultural and spatial outsiders, we may feel overwhelmed by the intensity of some Australian public intellectuals’ responses to what might be variously termed “spatial anxiety,” “postcolonial/white guilt,” or “disturbed” sense of belonging (Slater n.pag.). The period of the late 1990s and early 2000s in Australia certainly offered an interesting moment in which this intensity was particularly visible and vocal.

Abstract: Historical Treaties entered into with Indigenous peoples are often a source of conflict. This conflict is connected to treaty implementation, which tends to be at the sole discretion of the domestic jurisdiction. Accordingly, a one-sided interpretation of a two-sided agreement is a problematic approach. This thesis will explore key concepts of Indigenous law, in relation to the historical Treaties made with the Crown. Particular emphasis will be on the Anishinaabe in Treaty No. 3 in Turtle Island, the State now known as Canada. Indigenous law will be grounded in widely accepted international law principles, which may allow for further insight by the Treaty partners. Through grounding the Indigenous perspective of the true spirit and original intent of the Treaties, explanation can be drawn out and further understanding between the parties will occur. Mutual understanding, along with respect, is part of the foundation to the reconciliation process of the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.

We, traditional Indigenous food producers, knowledge holders, spiritual leaders, Indigenous Peoples, tribal nations and organization leaders, human rights and food sovereignty activists, community members, youth and elders from the Diné, Acoma, Laguna and Tesuque Pueblos, Hopi, Yaqui, Opata, Comanche, Cheyenne and O’odham Nations attending the Southwest Tribal Nations Food Sovereignty Conference from August 8 – 9, 2015 in Shiprock New Mexico, Diné Nation, resolve by consensus the following:

1.  We thank the Shiprock chapter of the Diné Nation, Diné College and the International Indian Treaty Council for coordinating and hosting this gathering which was of great importance in building our unity and sharing information to defend our food sovereignty, human rights, land and water, seeds, sacred places and traditional ways of life.

2.  We affirm, endorse and adopt the Okmulgee Declaration from the 2nd International Indigenous Corn Conference in Muscogee Creek Nation, September 8th, 2014, and the “Declaration of a GMO- and Pesticide-Free Zone, Diné Nation Territory, from the Indigenous Peoples “Corn is Life” Gathering September 19 – 21, 2013.

3.  We express our outrage and profound concern for the impacts, including many human rights violations, of the toxic gold mining tailings spill and its effects on the rights to water, health and food sovereignty of the Diné and other Indigenous Nations that will be affected, as well as the plants, fish, animals and ecosystems of the area in the San Juan River basin system.  This contamination of waste from the King Gold Mine near Silverton, Colorado spilled into the upper tributaries of the Animas River on August 5, 2015 and is continuing to contaminate the entire watershed in the four corners area of the United States of America where the communities of at least seven federally recognized Indigenous Nations are now suffering the effects of the spill.  The effects of this contamination are multi-generational and will have drastic effects on the reproductive health and the health of future generations of these Nations.  We commit to support the Diné Nation Shiprock Chapter and other impacted Indigenous Peoples in their efforts to prevent any future spills, address the damages and other efforts needed to address this critical issue.

4.  We commit to continue meeting, communicating and coming together to share information and mutual support through the formation of a Southwest Indigenous Food Sovereignty Network, which we have initiated at this gathering.

5.  We call upon our Tribal governments, the United States, other countries and the United Nations to implement strong and effective solutions and responses to climate change through strong actions that respect the rights of Indigenous Peoples, protect our food sovereignty and reduce greenhouse gasses by moving away from fossil fuel extraction, production and use towards a just transition towards sustainable practices and forms of development.  We also commit ourselves to protect, use and apply our traditional knowledge and practices, our seeds, medicines and animals, our ceremonies and the teachings of our spiritual leaders and knowledge holders, to implement solutions and ways to adapt to climate change within our own Nations and communities in keeping with our sacred responsibilities for the survival of our Peoples, ways of life and future generations.

Resolved by consensus August 9th, 2015, International Day of the Worlds Indigenous Peoples, Shiprock New Mexico, Diné Nation, Diné bikeya.

Description: An unprecedented number of emigrants left Britain to settle in America, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand during the Victorian period. Utilizing new digital resources and methodologies alongside more traditional modes of scholarship, British Settler Emigration in Print, 1832-1877 presents the first book-length study of the periodical print culture that imagined, mediated, and galvanized this important stage of empire history. It presents extensive new research on how settler emigration was registered within Victorian periodicals and situates its focus on British texts and contexts within a broader, transnational framework. The book argues that the Victorian periodical was an inherently mobile form which had an unrivalled capacity to both register mass settler emigration and moderate its disruptive potential. Part one focuses upon settler emigration genres that featured within mainstream, middle-class periodicals, incorporating the analysis of emigrant voyage texts, emigration themed Christmas stories, and serialized novels about settlement. These genres are cohesive, domestic, and reassuring, and thus of a different character from the adventure stories often associated with Victorian empire. Part two examines a feminist and radical periodical emigration literature that often challenged dominant settler ideologies. Alongside its examination of ephemeral emigration texts, the book offers fresh readings of key works by Charles Dickens, Anthony Trollope, Edward Bulwer-Lytton, Thomas Martin Wheeler, and others. Ultimately, the book shows how periodical settler emigration literature transforms our understanding of both the culture of Victorian empire and Victorian literature and culture as a whole. It also makes significant intersections into debates about periodical form and the role of digitization within Victorian Studies.