Abstract: At the beginning of Saskatchewan’s homesteading period, from 1880 to 1910, the
Homesteading Hero Myth – a narrative that celebrates the courageous white farmer who entered
an unknown landscape and faced numerous hardships, only to succeed in breaking the land and
creating home – took shape. The Homesteading Hero Myth presents agricultural development of
Saskatchewan land as an epic quest and casts settlers as the winsome protagonists who prevail
despite the challenges they face. This same Myth downplays or ignores the roles of Indigenous
peoples who are represented neither as main nor as supporting characters: when they are given a
role to play at all, it is minor, on the sidelines, typecast, or silent. Yet, despite the Homesteading
Hero Myth relying on the idea of the Canadian prairies being an “open” landscape ripe for the
settlers’ taking, the settlers who came did not actually see the land as empty. Settlers recognized
evidence that Indigenous peoples had recently occupied the territory they now claimed, and in
many cases recognized Indigenous peoples as neighbours. Settler family narratives about the
homesteading period provide an alternate account in which incoming settlers recognized and
understood that they were arriving on Indigenous lands. Ultimately, this thesis argues that
homesteader hero narratives need to be “unsettled” and reframed into the uncomfortable reality
that they are really stories about imperial dispossession, suppression, and oppression of
Indigenous peoples.


Manuel Lujan Cruz, ‘Weaving against settler media: ‘I Fanhigaiyan: weaving an alternative journalism praxis from CHamoru decolonization media activism’, AlterNative, 2022

30Aug22




Abstract: The Council on Social Work Education made significant changes in 2022 to integrate anti-racist practices in social work education. However, this change in the social work education accreditation standards still neglects the persistent harms of settler colonialism. The unintended consequence of neglecting settler colonialism is ongoing violence of gendered, heteronormative, and colonial power relations (Arvin et al., 2013) against Indigenous women and 2SQ people. This Indigenous research project seeks to call attention to harm that is perpetuated when the social work profession does not acknowledge settler colonial logics. A reimagining of the discipline’s values is needed by re-centering Indigenous knowledge to create more ethical spaces for future generations that align with anti-oppressive social work practice (Clarke, 2016; Lee & Ferrer, 2014). The research applies the concept of ‘slow violence’ (Nixon, 2011; Anderson et al., 2018) to microaggressions to mark how the discipline’s logics of conquest and settler complicity sustain field and classroom experiences that wittingly or unwittingly condone violence against Indigenous people. This qualitative study on microaggressions centers Kovach’s (2010) conversational method, Archibald (2008) and Clarke’s (2016) storywork and talking circles with Native women. Native participants in this research included college students, practitioners, and parents, all of whom work as professionals in higher education, social work, K-12 school environments or tribal-related affairs. Two major findings emerged in the data, killing Indigenous futures, and witnessing other Native Women and 2SQ people’s storywork as resistance. These findings are discussed as a pathway to pursue liberatory framings for future generations.


Abstract: In recent years, discourses in academic and activist circles increasingly emphasize the potential failures of identity politics, highlighting the tendency of political movements based in identity to prevent unity or become co-opted by elites. Because of this, many activist groups are reformulating or transcending the role of identity in their political movements. However, critics of identity politics often fail to account for the fact that the erasure of Indigenous people’s identities is a deliberate tool of settler colonialism; challenging the role of identity in political movements thus risks furthering settler colonial processes. As such, this thesis engages with the question of how non-Indigenous people can reformulate the role of identity in their political movements without undermining a politics of solidarity with Indigenous nations and their resurgence movements. I begin by laying out the distinction between recursive and destructive power, which critically informs political movements’ differing approaches to identity. By analyzing power as predominantly recursive, or creating the subjects it intends to marginalize, many theorists of identity politics ignore the ways in which power must critically destroy or disappear Indigenous identity in order to establish settler state sovereignty. Thus, moves to reformulate non-Indigenous identity in non-Indigenous political movements should not implicate the role of identity in Indigenous political movements, given that Indigenous political – movements respond to destructive, rather than recursive, power. Further, understanding the functioning of recursive and destructive power reveals the potentially intertwined nature of resistance to these differing forms of power. With this in mind, I look to the #NoDAPL protests to argue that non-Indigenous people can reformulate the role of identity in their political movements by engaging with identity subject to destructive power. Through exploring the recursive construction of the terrorist, the role of anti-capitalism, and the existence of identity beyond destructive power at Standing Rock, it is apparent that identity can be reformulated in ways that fundamentally challenges the functioning of settler states, creating a broad-based politics of solidarity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous political movements.