Abstract: In recent decades, scholarship has sought to redress genocide studies’ lack of attention to assaults against Indigenous group life in settler colonial contexts. While this scholarship has made important interventions into a field dominated by the Holocaust prototype, work on genocides targeting Indigenous peoples has still laboured under the shadow of this paradigm’s norms, including the prioritization of time-intense direct violence enacted with explicit intent. Studies of settler colonial genocide have consequently tended to focus upon specific, temporally-bound historical policies and events despite the fact that such assaults are part of settler colonialism’s persistent structure of invasion. In 2019, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada challenged this case-specific approach, arguing that violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people is part of a protracted, ongoing genocide against Indigenous nations. In this article, I expand upon the Inquiry’s consideration of slower, less direct modes of group destruction. To do so, I draw upon scholarship on genocide by attrition—a concept not mentioned in the Inquiry’s report. Despite their shared concerns, studies of genocide by attrition and settler colonial genocide have yet to engage each other substantially. I consider how cross-pollination between these fields helps to challenge restrictive equations of genocide with time-intensive direct violence. Additionally, I develop a framework for addressing the cumulative harms that accrue when multiple genocidal processes are waged upon Indigenous nations as part of settler colonialism’s long emergency. Finally, I consider how settler colonial genocidal processes necessitate a more nuanced, knowledge-based interpretation of intent—an approach that illuminates how the consequences of protracted assaults become undeniable and, therefore, undeniably intended as they proceed in slow motion.



Abstract: Managers of wildlife are faced with decisions and issues that are increasingly complex, spanning natural and human dimensions (i.e. values, preferences, attitudes). A strong evidence base that includes multiple forms and sources of knowledge is needed to support these complex decisions. However, a growing body of literature demonstrates that environmental managers are far more likely to draw on intuition, past experience or opinion to inform important decisions rather than empirical evidence. We set out to assess how decision‐makers and other potential knowledge users (a) perceive, evaluate and use western‐based scientific, Indigenous and local knowledge and (b) the extent to which social, political and economic considerations challenge the integration of different forms of evidence into decision‐making. In 2018, we interviewed members from natural resource management branches of Indigenous governments (n = 4) and parliamentary governments (n = 33), as well as representatives from nongovernmental stakeholder groups (n = 28) involved in wildlife management and conservation in the Canadian province of British Columbia. Contrary to studies that suggest evidence‐based conservation and management are rare, respondents described relying heavily on multiple forms of knowledge. Results revealed that western science is used near‐unanimously, procured from internal (i.e. institutional) sources slightly more than external ones (i.e. peer‐reviewed journals, management agencies in other jurisdictions). However, we found Indigenous and local knowledge use to be much less than western scientific knowledge (approximately half as much) despite being highly valued. Perceived challenges to applying Indigenous and local knowledge include a lack of trust, hesitancy to share knowledge (particularly from Indigenous communities), difficulties in assessing reliability and difficulties discerning knowledge from advocacy. Despite high (and relatively diverse) evidence use, more than 40% of respondents perceived a diminishing role for evidence in final decisions concerning wildlife management and conservation. They associated this with decreases in institutional resources and capacity and increases in socio‐economic and political interference. We encourage transformative change in wildlife management enabling decision‐makers to draw upon multiple forms of knowledge. This transformative change should include direct involvement of knowledge holders, co‐assessment of knowledge and transparency in how (multiple forms of) evidence contribute to decision‐making.




Abstract: This dissertation traces the history of the governance of global migration at the level of international law and institutions. Situated at the intersection of international and global history, it argues that national immigration and emigration histories, as well as histories of subsets of migratory populations, such as refugees, can only be understood in the context of a broader international migration governance – showing how international plans, treaties, and institutions concerning migration emerged in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the significance of their changing treatments of European and non-European migrants. In doing so, it makes interventions into the history of sovereignty by demonstrating how the role of states within migration governance changed over time, the role of expertise in international law and global governance, the agency of non-European states in the history of international legal and institutional development as opposed to the role of European empires, and the evolution and development of the conceptions of freedom and rights, among others, ultimately demonstrating that the relative lack of an international migration governance in the present day is not a consequence of its having never existed or having been effective, but a consequence of earlier schemes’ character. In the nineteenth century, the dissertation shows, international migration governance arose to address concerns over disease control and the similar risks taken by European and Asian emigrants. Yet after Europe’s devastation in the world wars, migration structures which were proposed and arose primarily benefited European states that sought population “outlets” as a means to participate in demographic expansion beyond the continent: an internationalized form of settler colonialism. Many non-European migrants, meanwhile, lacked similar assistance or only enjoyed lesser protections. Settler schemes were welcomed by Latin American states and, to a lesser extent, British Dominions, which viewed them as bringing security and developmental benefits. Disagreement among states and experts limited the extent and implementation of the schemes, yet were not fatal to them. Still, their focus on European emigration, the dissertation concludes, ultimately prevented these schemes and institutions from overseeing and planning most migration that originated outside of Europe, a legacy continuing to undermine migration governance today.