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Different modes of domination, different built environments: Liora Bigon, Ambe J. Njoh, ‘Power and Social Control in Settler and Exploitation Colonies: The Experience of New France and French Colonial Africa’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2018

28Mar18

Abstract: This paper analyzes strategies for articulating power and effectuating social control in the built environment by French colonial authorities in New France and colonial Africa. The former was a settler colony while the latter comprised colonies of economic exploitation. Despite their different colonial status, they shared much in common. In this regard, French colonial authorities recycled spatial control strategies they had employed in New France a century earlier for use in Africa. However some changes commensurate with the changing priorities and objectives of the French colonial project were instituted. In particular, recycled policies from New France were made more stringent, less tolerant and ostensibly oppressive in French colonial Africa.


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Triangular relations: JoeKnetsch, ‘The Army Vs. The Indians Vs. The Settlers: The South Florida Frontier Between the Seminole Wars’, Sunland Tribune, 26, 2018

28Mar18

Abstract: One of the constant themes of Florida frontier history is the continued threat of violence. Either real or imagined, the threat of a painful death at the hands of unknown assailants, normally alleged to be Indians, loomed in the background of every settlement on the frontier. The acts of providing settlers with ammunition, weapons and constant patrols put the U.S. Army in the middle of all potential outbreaks. Therefore, any act, or reported act, of violence by the remaining Indian population had to be investigated, thwarted or rebuffed, and the settlers reassured that the incident was either false or isolated. The Army’s predicament on the southern frontier of Florida between the Second and Third Seminole Wars becomes obvious with the study of many of the remaining documents. There was, to be sure, some violence caused by Indians straying outside of the 1842 boundary, however, some of the violence was not directly caused by this group but by whites hoping to manipulate the Army into a position of removing the remaining Indians, by force if necessary.


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Seeing the settler state: Margaret D. Jacobs, ‘Seeing Like a Settler Colonial State’, Modern American History, 2018

25Mar18

Excerpt: In 1998, the Canadian historian and politician Michael Ignatieff wrote: “All nations depend on forgetting: on forging myths of unity and identity that allow a society to forget its founding crimes, its hidden injuries and divisions, its unhealed wounds.” Ironically, Ignatieff’s home country has belied his assertion. Canada has engaged in collective remembering of one of its hidden injuries—the Indian residential schools—through a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) from 2009 to 2015. Australia, too, has reckoned since the 1990s with its own unhealed wounds—the separation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families, or, in common parlance, the “Stolen Generations.”


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Indigenous street gangs are in the way: Robert Henry, ‘Sites of survivance: A symposium on global Indigenous street gangs’, Journal of Applied Youth Studies, 2, 3, 2018, pp. 70-75

25Mar18

Abstract: Researchers and community knowledge experts from across Western Canada, Aotearoa (New Zealand) and Australia participated in ‘Sites of survivance: A global symposium on Indigenous street gangs’, 23-24 August 2017, at the University of Calgary, Canada, located in Treaty 7 and Metis Region 3 territory. This report from the symposium includes some of the discussion session findings and a suggested research model.


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Aiming beyond ‘Allozionism’ without focusing on settler colonialism is like having a meal without food: Johannes Becke, ‘Beyond Allozionism: Exceptionalizing and De-Exceptionalizing the Zionist Project’, Israel Studies, 23, 2, 2018, pp. 168-193

25Mar18

Abstract: Based on Zygmunt Bauman’s understanding of Allosemitism, this article introduces the concept of Allozionism, a form of exceptionalism which assumes that Zionism and the State of Israel are fundamentally different from all other nationalist movements and nation-states. Instead of tracing exceptionalist claims about the Zionist project back to its attributes or the politics of affinity and resentment, this approach investigates the epistemic function of Allozionism, understood here as Allosemitism in postcolonial times: While European Allosemitism projected its anxieties about the problematic distinction between believer/non-believer and nation/non-nation on the Jewish people, global Allozionism projects its ambivalences about the indigenous/colonial distinction on the Zionist project as a puzzling case of colonization in the name of indigeneity. In order to overcome Allozionist exceptionalism, de-exceptionalizing the Zionist project implies the recognition of its cultural and political ambivalence, including colonial, anti-colonial, and post-colonial elements—both before and after 1967.


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Settler selective parroting: Megan Vallowe, ‘The Long Arm of the Phoenix in Nineteenth-Century Political Reprinting’, Journal of History & Criticism, 28, 1, 2018

23Mar18

Abstract: The Cherokee Phoenix, the first indigenous-produced newspaper in the United States, adopted pro-assimilation rhetoric to argue against westward removal of indigenous people. The newspaper engaged nineteenth-century print networks, spreading its anti-removal argument to a wider and potentially more influential audience through reprinting. Examining the Phoenix in relation to national print networks and reprint culture reveals the purposeful use of pro-assimilation rhetoric by editor-in-chief Elias Boudinot in a network that crafted Anglo-American perceptions of indigenous peoples. This article considers the different editorial choices made by Northern and Southern periodicals when reprinting from the Phoenix, showing how political and economic contexts encouraged Southern periodicals, which were geographically closer to the Cherokee nation, to portray the Cherokee as “savage” others. For Southern periodicals, Cherokee expulsion to the frontier was necessary for the expansion and preservation of white America, despite the efforts on the part of the Phoenix to make the case otherwise.


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Redeemed indigenous land invites place-based education: Jann Hayman, Alex RedCorn, Jeff Zacharakis, ‘New Horizons in the Osage Nation: Agricultural Education and Leadership Development’, Journal of Research in Rural Education, 34, 5, 2018, pp. 1-10

23Mar18

Abstract: From 2004-06, the Osage Nation of Oklahoma reformed its government from a tribal council system to a tripartite constitution. Following this reorganization, through a community outreach effort a 25-year strategic plan was developed to guide the Nation moving forward. Now, a decade into the plan, recent Osage land (re)acquisition across the reservation has generated new potential and need for agricultural education and leader development. Our contribution to the Journal of Research in Rural Education’s special issue on diversity in rural education is a framework for how the Osage Nation might develop agricultural education that focuses on fostering Osage-specific place-based identities in the next generation of agricultural leaders. While framing this conversation through Dennison’s lens of Osage ribbon work and settler-colonial entanglement, paired with Gruenewald’s critical pedagogy of place, this essay informs educators about the unique position of Native nations in education and simultaneously a theoretical and practitioner-driven analysis of how agricultural education intersects with the Osage Nation’s 25-year strategic plan.


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Indigenous presences disrupt settler borders: Sharri Plonski, ‘Material Footprints: The Struggle for Borders by Bedouin‐Palestinians in Israel’, Antipode, 2018

21Mar18

Abstract: In the following article, borders become an epistemology for reading the social and political history of settler geographies, and their particular manifestation in the southern Naqab region of Israel. It takes as its starting point the idea that borders are activated in an assemblage of encounters; and that they act as markers, not only of the power of the settler state to rupture and control indigenous life and mobility, but of the multiple resistances that divert, disrupt and unsettle settler movements and spaces. Based on more than three years of fieldwork with the Unrecognised Bedouin‐Palestinian communities of the Naqab, the article investigates the significance of borders in spaces the state has conceived and structured as empty and dead. In exploring the multiple modes of resistance and resilience that constitute Bedouin struggles for recognition in Israel, it finds relevance in the lines they carve out, and the living spaces that persist and evolve in their shadows. 


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Indigenous sovereignty disrupts recognition: Noelani Goodyear-Ka‘ōpua, Bryan Kamaoli Kuwada, ‘Making ‘Aha: Independent Hawaiian Pasts, Presents & Futures’, Daedalus, 147, 2, 2018 pp. 49-59

21Mar18

Abstract: We use Hawaiian methods of knowledge production to weave together contemporary and historical instances of Kanaka Maoli (Native Hawaiian) political resistance to U.S. imperialism and settler colonialism. Our departure point is the summer of 2014, when hundreds of Kānaka came forward to assert unbroken Hawaiian sovereignty and reject a U.S. Department of Interior (DOI) proposal to create a pathway for federal recognition of a reorganized Native Hawaiian governing entity. This essay situates testimonies from these hearings within a longer genealogy of Kanaka assertions of “ea” (sovereignty, life, breath) against the prolonged U.S. military occupation of Hawai’i that began in 1898 and extends to the present.


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Indigenous refusal disrupt map making: ‘Ethnographic refusal in traditional land use mapping: Tara L. Joly, Hereward Longley, Carmen Wells, Jenny Gerbrandt, ‘Consultation, impact assessment, and sovereignty in the Athabasca oil sands region’, The Extractive Industries and Society, 2018

21Mar18

Abstract: Traditional land use (TLU) mapping is a key mechanism for Indigenous communities to defend their land use and occupancy in environmental impact assessments. Yet, when faced with TLU interview questions, some Métis community members express reluctance to share sensitive land use information. TLU mapping is linked to a broader history of cartographic colonialism that forces Indigenous peoples to subject themselves to western systems of geographic knowledge. This paper asks: what do moments of ethnographic refusal convey about TLU assessments and consultation? Refusal – a practice of rejecting state-driven recognition and asserting Indigenous sovereignty – reveals several methodological flaws with TLU studies that undermine the efficacy of consultation. Based on our TLU research with the McMurray Métis community, the authors describe how TLU studies can undervalue Indigenous geographic knowledge by deemphasizing cultural landscapes, compromising land use locations, and reducing understanding of impacts to site-specific analyses. These problems stem directly from state regulation that deems development inevitable and positions TLU studies as a catch-all mechanism for competing processes: impact assessments and the duty to consult. Attending to ethnographic refusal in TLU studies inspires a more culturally appropriate methodology that asserts Indigenous sovereignty of lands identified for resource extraction in Canada and worldwide.


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