settler colonial studies blog

‘Latin American states are settler colonial states’: Shannon Speed, ‘Structures of Settler Capitalism in Abya Yala’, American Quarterly, 69, 4, 2017, pp. 783-790

27Dec17

Excerpt: Latin American states are settler colonial states, though they are rarely analyzed in this way. Indeed, there often seems to be a kind of entrenched resistance to thinking about Latin America in settler colonial terms, for reasons that are complex, but have to do in large part to an implicit adherence to some premises of settler colonialism put forward by Patrick Wolfe, who is often credited with having popularized the term and, intentionally or not, generating the field of settler colonial studies.

Wolfe did not, of course, coin the term. Native scholars and activists had been using it for some time, as he himself regularly pointed out. Further, a group of prominent feminist scholars published Unsettling Settler Societies, edited by Daiva Stasiulis and Nira Yuval Davis, in 1995, three years before Wolfe published Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology. Notably, Latin America was included in that volume (see contributions by Gutierrez and Radcliffe). That said, Wolfe’s lucid articulation of the structure and logics of settler colonialism has been and remains tremendously influential, and continues to undergird—at times a bit too rigidly—our understandings of the workings of settler power in the field of Native studies. In particular, the land–labor binary, the importance of which Wolfe elaborated in most of his works and reasserted in the recent Traces of History (2016), has become an often-unspoken and largely unexamined premise of the settler state in ways that occlude significant complexity and foreclose recognition of settler structures. I do not raise this in an antitheory sense, to challenge abstraction in favor of empirical specificity per se. Rather, I think the specificity of cases all too often discarded without further or sufficient examination may in fact add new richness and dimension to the overall theoretical analytic.

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Introducing a special issue of American Quarterly: M. Bianet Castellanos, ‘Introduction: Settler Colonialism in Latin America’, American Quarterly, 69, 4, 2017, pp. 777-781

27Dec17

Excerpt: Inspired by recent debates over the suitability of extending settler colonialism as a framework for understanding the experiences of indigenous Latinx in the United States and indigenous peoples in Latin America, this forum offers a substantive engagement with settler colonial theory that attends to the specificities of Latin American colonialism(s). Considered a key distinction of Anglophone imperial projects, it is rare to find settler colonialism applied to Latin America. This resistance reflects entrenched divisions precluding North–South dialogues, problems regarding the concept’s translatability to a Latin American context, and an emphasis on binary divisions within settler colonial theory.

Applying settler colonial theory to Latin America is hampered by the nascent relationship between American Indian studies and Latin American studies. Although both fields have been instrumental in advancing indigenous studies, these fields are rarely in conversation with each other. This divide was evident at the 2017 Native American and Indigenous Studies Association meeting. The sessions sponsored by the Abiayala Working Group, which supports indigenous studies in Latin America and the Caribbean, are seldom attended by scholars of American Indian studies. While recent forays to bring postcolonial studies in conversation with American Indian studies and to frame indigenous Latinx communities within a settler colonial paradigm gesture toward new engagements with the global South, these efforts remain focused on North America.

The term itself is difficult to translate. In Spanish, settler colonialism translates to colonialismo de asentamiento or colonialismo de colonos. Shannon Speed points out that the Spanish definition of colonialism implies settlement, making these translations redundant. As such, it is a slippery concept to apply to Latin America where nation-building projects have framed criollización/creolization as “an indigenizing process.” We are left with the quandary of debating who is a settler.

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The other side of disengagement is decolonisation (disengagement is a necessary prerequisite of decolonisation): Michael Elliott, ‘Indigenous Resurgence: The Drive for Renewed Engagement and Reciprocity in the Turn Away from the State’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 2017

24Dec17

Abstract: “Indigenous resurgence” centres on three contentions: (1) that colonialism is an active structure of domination premised, at base, on Indigenous elimination; (2) that the prevailing normative-discursive environment continues to reflect this imperative; and (3) that Indigenous peoples must therefore turn away from this hostile environment and pursue independent programmes of social and cultural rejuvenation. The principal movement advocated under the resurgence paradigm thus appears as one of disengagement with the settler order. I also argue, however, that there is an important secondary drive within the movement that presses in the opposite direction. It figures further engagement both as a longer term goal (in the form of renewed dialogue on decolonization) and as an immediate imperative (in order to expose and remove obstacles to reciprocal dialogue). I aim, here, to excavate this secondary drive and consider what it connotes in terms of settler engagement.

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Acknowledging territory is an acknowledgment of history: Yasmeen Abu-Laban, ‘Narrating Canadian Political Science: History Revisited’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, 50, 4, 2017, pp. 895-919

24Dec17

Abstract: The 150 mark for Confederation and the founding of the modern Canadian state comes at a moment when at universities across Canada it is now routine to acknowledge traditional territory, and in so doing to recognize a longer history, dating before 1867 and the establishment of European colonies (Canadian Association of University Teachers, 2016). Territorial acknowledgements also give recognition to the Indigenous peoples who lived and continue to live on the land, as well as the ways in which land figures into Indigenous identities and ontologies in ways that are typically very different than settlers (Battell Lowman and Barker,2015: 48–68). Such acknowledgements are also happening at cultural events and even hockey games, with a Fall 2016 Heritage Classic Game on the home turf of the Winnipeg Jets believed to be the first (Lambert, 2016). As a consequence, we are living in a moment in which we are being reminded about buried and unacknowledged history, as well as about the colonial past and the colonial present. Moreover, the Canadian government devoted $500 million to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Confederation in 2017, (“Why Exactly Are We Spending?” 2017), but clashing historical narratives have also given rise to the question of whether Confederation is actually something to rejoice (Slowey, 2016). Consider here the striking name of the new book by Kiera Ladner and Myra Tait (2017) entitled Surviving Canada: Indigenous Peoples Celebrate 150 Years of Betrayal.

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Settler facts (the fact of ‘facts’): Rick Lybeck, ‘A Public Pedagogy of White Victimhood: (Im)Moral Facts, Settler Identity, and Genocide Denial in Dakota Homeland’, Qualitative Inquiry, 2017

24Dec17

Abstract: This article examines dominant discourses driving southern Minnesota’s white public pedagogy of the U.S.–Dakota War of 1862, focusing specifically on hardline separations between fact and opinion that divert citizens from acknowledging the moral significance of their state’s genocidal founding. Supported by objectivist discourses enshrined in today’s Common Core Standards, the regional need to distinguish fact from opinion reveals highly situated white-supremacist roots when historicized, originating in primary-source materials that perplexingly frame white “victimhood” and Dakota “savagery” as objective moral knowledge. Critically analyzing recent acts of fact-checking performed by members of a regional settler discourse community, this article shows such “objective” knowledge at work, persistently thriving on age-old notions of white-settler identity and white community belonging. Ultimately, this article exposes the ongoing persuasive power of the primary sources’ dominant discourse, the anti-Indian sublime, and its role in erasing moral facts about regional crimes against humanity.

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When indigenes do not disappear as indigenes: Ben Schrader, ‘Native Hostelries in New Zealand’s Colonial Cities’, The Journal of New Zealand Studies, 25, 2017

24Dec17

Abstract: Historians have argued that while Māori were important players in founding and sustaining New Zealand’s colonial cities, the rapid growth of the settler population saw them excluded from city space and return to tribal homelands. This article examines the marginalisation process and how the perceived threat of Māori economic power and changes in European racial theory informed it. It then argues that marginalisation was only ever partial, with Māori continuing to engage with city life in innovative ways. In doing so they not only claimed city spaces but contributed to the production of new spaces as well.

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When settlers disappear entirely as settlers: Renata Andressa Poderoso, Nivaldo Peroni, Natalia Hanazaki, ‘Gender Influences in the Perception and Use of the Landscape in a Rural Community of German Immigrant Descendants in Brazil’, Journal of Ethnobiology, 37, 4, 2017, pp. 779-797

24Dec17

Abstract: People interact with the landscape and use its resources on a daily basis. An ecotope is the smallest ecological place culturally recognized within a landscape. Many ecotopes reveal the interaction between local communities and the environment and perceptions about ecotopes are based on the experiences of their observers. We studied local perceptions of ecotopes recognized by rural men and women, in order to understand the decision-making processes related to ecotope management and the use of plant resources in these landscapes. The study area was in Ribeirão Taquaras (Ibirama municipality, Santa Catarina, Brazil), a region populated with descendants of German immigrants. Through 91 interviews (41 men and 50 women) and four participatory workshops, two with women and two with men, we identified 12 ecotopes. The interaction between people and the environment determines their knowledge about plant resources and the environment and this varies according to their social roles. These interactions occur with cultivated and harvested plant resources and in ecotopes under different intensities of management. The perception of the environment reflects this interaction, social roles and relationships, and the historical context reflected in the environment. The different perceptions of men and women reveal features and complementarities in decision-making and daily tasks on rural properties.

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Native space is the limit of settler colonialism: Natchee Blu Barnd, Native Space: Geographic Strategies to Unsettle Settler Colonialism, Oregon State University Press, 2017

20Dec17

Description: Native Space explores how indigenous communities and individuals sustain and create geographies through place-naming, everyday cultural practices, and artistic activism, within the boundaries of the settler colonial nation of the United States. Diverging from scholarship that tends to treat indigenous geography as an analytical concept, Natchee Blu Barnd instead draws attention to the subtle manifestations of everyday cultural practices—the concrete and often mundane activities involved in the creation of indigenous space.

What are the limits and potentials of indigenous acts of spatial production? Native Space argues that control over the notion of “Indianness” still sits at the center of how space is produced in a neocolonial nation, and shows how non-indigenous communities uniquely deploy Native identities in the direct construction of colonial geographies. In short, “the Indian” serves to create White space in concrete ways. Yet, Native geographies effectively reclaim indigenous identities, assert ongoing relations to the land, and refuse the claims of settler colonialism.

Barnd creatively and persuasively uses original cartographic research and demographic data, a series of interrelated stories set in the Midwestern Plains states of Kansas and Oklahoma, an examination of visual art by contemporary indigenous artists, and discussions of several forms of indigenous activism to support his argument. With its highly original, interdisciplinary approach, Native Space makes a significant contribution to the literature in cultural and critical geography, comparative ethnic studies, indigenous studies, cultural studies, American Studies, and related fields.

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Industrialising settler colonialism: Ian Phimister, Victor Gwande, ‘Secondary Industry and Settler Colonialism: Southern Rhodesia before and after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence’, African Economic History, 45, 2, 2017, pp. 85-112

20Dec17

Abstract: The causes, course and consequences of the unilateral declaration of independence [UDI] by Southern Rhodesia have generated a large scholarly literature. Less frequently accounted for is the growth of the Colony’s secondary industrial sector, for a time the most sophisticated in Africa north of the Limpopo. Almost entirely lacking is analysis of the relationship, structural and political, between the two. Without an already existing secondary industrial base, UDI would have been impossible if not unthinkable. While some attention has been paid to the political attitudes of industrialists, no serious attempt has been made to identify the composition, capitalization, ownership, or product range of the manufacturing sector in the first half of the 1960s. In placing the two side by side, this article seeks to cast new light on the business and political dynamics shaping Central Africa during the era of decolonization.

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Settler colonialism is independence without decolonisation: Benoit Trepied, ‘Decolonisation Without Independence? Breaking with the Colonial in New Caledonia (1946–1975)’, in Ed Naylor (ed.), France’s Modernising Mission, Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, pp. 59-84

20Dec17

Abstract: A settler colony which has remained under French sovereignty, New Caledonia was integrated into the French Union in 1946 before joining the generic category of ‘Overseas territory’ under the Vth Republic. Throughout this period, local political leaders made various attempts to overcome the fundamental double tension underlying the Caledonian colonial situation: the relationship between the archipelago and France (a political link between territories) and the relationship between settlers and the colonised Kanaks (a social link between populations). One of the most notable examples was the Union Caledonienne (UC), a political party that held office between the 1950s and 1970s, whose founders conceived it as a local embodiment of the French Union project. They envisaged the decolonisation of the archipelago within the French state, via the 1956 loi cadre, in the name of a ‘Caledonian people’ unifying former settlers and the indigenous population. It was only after the Gaullist shift of the 1960s towards a recentralisation of power around the French nation-state that local usage of the term ‘decolonisation’ changed: henceforth it came to refer to the independence demands of the ‘Kanak people’. The example of New Caledonia raises questions about the meaning of decolonisation, or ‘breaking with the colonial’, in specific historical contexts: in this case, a form of settler colonialism that resembles the Anglo-Saxon settler states (North America, Australia and Canada) as much as that of the wider French empire.

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