some recent reviews in the jich
By various authors. Books in review:
Lineages of Empire: The Historical Roots of British Imperial Thought
Edited by Duncan Kelly
Economies of Representation, 1790-2000: Colonialism and Commerce
Edited by Leigh Dale and Helen Gilbert
The New Oxford History of New Zealand
Edited by Giselle Byrnes
Filed under: Empire, Scholarship and insights | Closed
Abstract:
What is often referred to as a common law doctrine of aboriginal or customary title neither underpinned imperial policies towards Maori property rights in the 1830s and 1840s nor was it viewed as a settled or broadly accepted legal doctrine. Rather, critics of imperial policies applying to New Zealand deployed these legal sources in order to challenge and influence the workings of imperial policy on British settlement within New Zealand. The particular emphasis of such policy was on disciplining the extent of such settlement and providing a land fund from crown grants. Imperial policy-makers did not endorse these legal sources despite their use in the decision of the New Zealand Supreme Court in Regina v Symonds (1847). In this context, there was no consensual legal view or approach as to the nature or content of indigenous property rights. Ultimately, in the face of disagreement, diverse views of the nature and extent of Maori property rights persisted. The perceived non-justiciability of such rights meant that political spaces rather than the courts were of ongoing significance to characterising and debating such rights.
Filed under: law, New Zealand, Scholarship and insights, Sovereignty | Closed
Freedom Bound is about the origins of modern America: a history of colonizing, work, and civic identity from the beginnings of English presence on the mainland until the Civil War. It is a history of migrants and migrations, of colonizers and colonized, of households and servitude and slavery, and of the freedom all craved and some found. Above all it is a history of the law that framed the entire process. Freedom Bound tells how colonies were planted in occupied territories, how they were populated with migrants “free and unfree” to do the work of colonizing, and how the newcomers secured possession. It tells of the new civic lives that seemed possible in new commonwealths, and of the constraints that kept many from enjoying them. It follows the story long past the end of the eighteenth century until the American Civil War, when just for a moment it seemed that freedom might finally be unbound.
Filed under: law, Scholarship and insights, United States | Closed
pigeon’s egg head
George Catlin, Pigeon’s Egg Head: Going to and Returning from Washington, 1837-9. Oil. Held at Smithsonian American Art Museum, where else – Washington. Teaching resource here.
Filed under: art, United States | Closed
homelands
Homelands represent the intersection of specific areas of country… That is, they do not represent random settlements ‘where people go for a better lifestyle’ away from the larger communities created by non-Indigenous agents.
In contrast, homelands represent particular living areas in which each Indigenous individual and group is based in order to fulfil their own cultural obligations to their inherited country and its underlying traditional Law.
No, they’re not talking about apartheid-vintage Bantustans, but Aboriginal settlements across remote Northern Territory. An eerily similar description though, and you’re forgiven for being confused.
Though they sound the same, they aren’t the same: the NT homeland initiative is very much an Aboriginal-led one; the government supports it with funding (although a finite amount); and mining capitalists aren’t constantly sending their touts (labour recruiters) in there with contracts.
The quote is from a report entitled Our home, our homeland, quoted by Graham Ring, which I found via Fieldnotes and Footnotes.
Filed under: Australia, Political developments, Southern Africa | Closed
ngapuhi case begins
A while ago I got whisper of an excitingly unique Maori claim launched by the Ngapuhi.
Today I learn the case is getting under way today, via NZHerald:
The Te Paparahi o te Raki inquiry is unique in that iwi members will argue that their ancestors did not cede sovereignty when the Treaty was signed in 1840. Most historical tribunal claims deal with land loss.
Filed under: law, New Zealand, Political developments, Sovereignty | Closed
A snippet from John and Jean Comaroff’s — as always, gripping — opening essay of their edited collection, Law and Disorder in the Postcolony (Chicago 2006):
…there has certainly been an explosion of law-oriented nongovernmental organizations in the postcolonial world: lawyers for human rights, both within and without frontiers; legal resourcecenters and aid clinics; voluntary associations dedicated to litigating against historical injury, for social and jural recognition, for human dignity, and for material entitlements of one kind or another. Situated at the intersection of the public and the private, nongovernmental organizations of this sort are now commonly regarded as the civilizing missions of the twenty-first century. They are asserting their presence over ever wider horizons, encouraging citizens to deal with their problems by legal means. The upshot, it seems, is that people, even those who break the law, appear to be ever more litigious, sometimes with unforeseen consequences for states and ruling regimes. In South Africa, as we write, a plumber convicted of drunk driving is demanding $167,000 in damages from three cabinet ministers and the commissioner of Correctional Services for holding him in custody when, he says, by rights they should have had him in rehabilitation. And two well-known alumni of the liberation struggle, the national chair and the secretary of the Umkhonto weSizwe Military Veterans Association (MKMVA), announced in 2005 that they would seek a high-court interdict against two others who had claimed to be elected officials of the organization and had entered financial deals, fraudulently, in its name. In times past, this kind of conflict among the African National Congress elect would have been fought out by more conventional political means, less by using the law and its breach as their weapons of combat. But then, in times past, the MKMVA would not have been a thoroughly neoliberal organization, as much an investment holding company for its members as a commons for ex-guerilla heroes.
The global impact of legal nongovermental organizations on postcolonial consciousness is such that it is not uncommon nowadays to hear the language of jurisprudence in the Amazon or Aboriginal Australia, in the Kalahari or the New Guinea highlands, or among the homeless of Mumbai, Mexico City, Cape Town, and Trench Town. […] Postcolonies, in sum, are saturated with selfimaginings and identities grounded in the jural, even in places in which trafficking outside it is as common as trafficking within it—presuming, of course, that the distinction can be made at all.
[…]
It is not just the politics of the present that is being judicialized. The past, too, is increasingly caught up in the dialectic of law and disorder: hence the mobilization of legalities to fight anti-imperialist battles anew, which has compelled the British government to answer under oath for having committed acts of unspeakable atrocity in its African “possessions”, for having killed local leaders at whim, and for having unlawfully alienated territory from one African people to another. By these means is colonialism, tout court, rendered criminal. Hauled before a judge, history is made to break its silences, to speak in tongues hitherto unheard and untranslated, to submit itself to the scales of justice at the behest of those who suffered it, of its most abject subjects— and to be reduced to a cash equivalent, payable as the official tender of damage, dispossession, loss, trauma. In the process, too, it becomes clear that what imperialism is being indicted for, above all, is its commission of lawfare: its use of its own rules—of its duly enacted penal codes, its administrative law, its states of emergency, its charters and mandates and warrants, its norms of engagement—to impose a sense of order upon its subordinates by means of violence rendered legible, legal, and legitimate by its own sovereign word. And also to commit its own ever-socivilized, patronizing, high-minded forms of kleptocracy.
pp. 25-6, 28-9.
Flicking back through this book today, I was particularly struck by this comment.
Filed under: Africa, law, Political developments, postcolonialism, Quote, Scholarship and insights | Closed
council rock
A block print by Joseph Donnelly, photographed recently by Lisa Ann-Ishihara, via Youngstown News.
Filed under: art, United States | Closed
Please enjoy these mp3 recordings of the papers delivered at the recent round table, ‘Settler Colonialism and the Colour Line’. Individual abstracts can be found here.
- Gaia Giuliani, Matching Colours
- Lorenzo Veracini, Decolonising Settler Colonialism
- Maria Giannacopoulos, Xenos, Nomos, Bia (temporarily unavailable)
- Kiran Grewal, The Native versus the Alien: Discourses of Belonging and the Reinforcement of White Hegemony
- Dinesh Joseph Wadiwel, The Right to Discriminate: Settler Colonialism, Solidarity, Sovereignty
Filed under: Australia, law, media, Political developments, postcolonialism, public lecture, Scholarship and insights, Sovereignty, Website | Closed


