Abstract: This article examines Palestinian children at the nexus of settler-colonial control and genocidal violence, foregrounding their capacities to resist, reconstitute life, and sustain childhood under extreme dispossession. Building on the concept of unchilding, it shows how children are targeted by colonial and genocidal violence while also interrupting these processes through their bodies, spatial practices, and communal relations. Conceptualizing children as producers of knowledge, politics, and relational practices of liveability and futurity, the article challenges representations of children as passive victims. Drawing on a child-guided epistemic methodology and childist philosophical framework, it centres children’s affects, voices, bodies, spaces, and relationalities as generative sites of knowledge. The analysis examines fifty media and social media posts from publicly accessible accounts collected over two years of genocidal violence, attending to children’s everyday routines, spatial practices, and cartographic renderings of violence. It identifies wilfulness as a spatial, affective, and cartographic practice: an embodied insistence on occupying space, sustaining relational life, and mapping violence in ways that refuse erasure and fragmentation. Childhood wilfulness thus becomes a political and epistemic intervention through which children affirm life, continuity, and childhood liveability, sustaining childhood as a horizon of decolonial possibility amid genocidal unchilding.


Abstract: Cycles of violence and displacement engulfed Indigenous, French, and English groups in the area around what is now the border between Canada and northern New England as European settlers and trade pushed into Indigenous homelands throughout the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries. These violent cycles led to long absences of family and kin members who were captured, injured or fleeing from violence. These absences had spiritual, economic, political, and emotional dimensions for European and Indigenous families who made up the societies and governments of northeastern North America in the colonial period. This dissertation argues that the concept of absence and absent people themselves were key elements of how Indigenous and invading European societies conceived of themselves, connected with each other, and built larger economic and political systems. The informal networks, altered relationships, and spiritual conceptions that families and kin relations built up to negotiate the problems of absence became the major ways that the competing polities in the area related to each other and claimed and resisted authority. As both Indigenous and European families innovated existing cultural traditions and legal or economic frameworks, they also incorporated the living absent into their societies, illustrating the strong influence that absent people had on the formations of culture and societies they were not physically present with. This dissertation examines those conceptions and the ways these individual navigations of absence from below formed culture and authority from below.


Abstract: This study combines Anderson’s concepts of spatial boundaries and administrative classification with Gellner’s theories of state and nationalism to analyse identity reconstruction in seventeenth-century Formosa under the tripartite interaction of colonial powers, Hokkien immigrants, and indigenous peoples. Multiple toponyms – Ilha Formosa, Takasago – reveal external powers’ construction of Formosa as a ‘strategic frontier’ in their geopolitical imagination; naming and cartography abstracted scattered spaces into governable units. Under Dutch and Spanish colonial rule, indigenous societies were systematically restructured. Colonizers, driven by resource extraction, governed through military repression, religious assimilation, and economic control. Nevertheless, indigenous peoples demonstrated agency through resistance and strategic cooperation – e.g. the Matta Incident and exile of inibs (indigenous priestesses). Driven by maritime prohibition policy and the Ming-Qing transition’s push-pull dynamics, Hokkien immigrants developed an instrumental, situationally adaptable ‘maritime Hokkien Chinese’ identity; under certain conditions, they formed cross-ethnic anti-colonial alliances with indigenous groups. Although seventeenth-century colonial governance did not immediately give rise to modern nationalism, the ‘territorialized’ imagination it established laid the historical and epistemological foundation for the subsequent formation of Taiwanese identity.





Abstract: Land acknowledgements—formal statements recognizing Indigenous custodianship of land—are widespread in Australia, where they originated, and have been gaining traction in the USA. Proponents argue they raise awareness of Indigenous histories and build support for reparations, but causal evidence is limited. Here randomized experiments on non-Indigenous populations in Australia (N = 1,724) and the USA (N = 1,773) find that exposure to land acknowledgements increases awareness of local Indigenous groups but can reduce interest in Indigenous culture and heritage. We find no significant effects on a range of political attitudes, including collective guilt and support for reparations. Additional experiments (N = 3,638) suggest that the adoption of land acknowledgements provides small reputational benefits to institutions facing public scrutiny. Costlier practices—such as financial compensation and Indigenous participation in decision-making—have significantly larger effects. These findings suggest that land acknowledgements primarily improve organizational reputation rather than generate sociopolitical change.

Response: Settler states increasingly offer Indigenous peoples symbolic recognition, such as land acknowledgements, instead of political power or resources, yet the effects of these gestures are untested. Peyton and McNamee’s experiments in the USA and Australia find that land acknowledgements raise awareness of Indigenous peoples but reduce interest in learning more.

Note: all this is published in Nature (the journal, not the actual thing)!



Description: What swamps can tell us about race and power in the United States. Wetlands—particularly swamps—have evoked contradictory responses from different groups in the United States, from the early republic to the end of World War I. White, enslaved, and Indigenous peoples alternately envisioned swamps as future agricultural paradises, uninhabitable wastelands, portals to freedom, spaces to gather vital resources, eugenic sanctuaries, and future homes for settlers. This contested, evolving thinking shaped how Americans interacted with swamps, and Perilous Waters addresses how those interactions influenced their management. Anthony E. Carlson shows how settlers demonized swamps as one of the gravest environmental impediments to agricultural expansion and the establishment of secure and stable communities. In doing so, they enlisted the knowledge, resources, and authority of the state to organize institutions that enabled drainage and erased any vestiges of prior occupation and usage. By the mid-nineteenth century, drainage had become a paramount public policy objective, giving rise to new social institutions and the mobilization of state resources to assist settlers in fashioning dry, healthy, and domesticated landscapes. After 1900, all levels of government worked to implement cooperative social institutions and systemize environmental and technological knowledge to facilitate drainage and accelerate the transformation of the nation’s wet spaces into farms and crop fields.




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